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Darlington Memorial Library 

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The Hakluyt Society has now completed the thirteenth 
year of its existence, and has, during that period, issued 
twenty-five valuable volumes relating to early voyages and 
travels in every part of the world. The number of sub- 
scribers has been steadily maintained at a point which has 
enabled the Council to ensure the efficiency of the Society ; 
and they now have the satisfaction to report that the funds 
continue in a prosperous condition. 

The Council have given their best consideration to the 
price at which new subscribers during the present year 
should be allowed to receive the past publications of the 
Society, the earlier series of which have become scarce, and 
have fixed it at Nine Guineas, that sum not including the 
subscription for the year. 

Since the last General Meeting the following volumes 
have been delivered to members : 

" Expeditions into the Valley of the Amazons during 
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries;" containing the 
Journey of Gonzalo Pizarro, from the Koyal Commentaries 
of Garcilasso Inca de la Vega ; the Voyage of Francisco de 
Orellana, from the General History of Herrera ; and the 
Voyage of Christoval de Acuha, from a narrative written by 
himself in 1641. Edited and translated, with an Introduc- 
tion and a descriptive list of the principal Tribes in the 
Valley of the Amazons, by Clements E,. Markham, Esq^. 


" Early Voyages to Australia/' a collection of documents 
showing the early discoveries of Australia to the time of 
Captain Cook. Edited by E. H. Major, Esq., of the British 
Museum, F.S.A. 

Two volumes will be delivered to members during the 
course of the present year, one of which is completed and 
will be issued immediately, and the other is in a very for- 
ward state, viz. : 

*'' The Narrative of the Embassy of Ruy Gonzales de 
Clavijo to the Court of Timour at Samarcand, a.d. 1403-6." 
Translated for the first time, with Notes, a Preface, and an 
Introductory Life of Timoui-, by Clements R. Markham, 

" A Collection of Documents forming a Monograph of 
the Voyages of Henry Hudson." Edited, with an Intro- 
duction, by George Asher, Esq., LL.D. 

In addition to the above works, five others have been 
undertaken by Editors, and some of them are now in pro- 
gress, viz, : 

The Fifth Letter of Hernando Cortes ; being that 
describing his Voyage to Honduras in 1525-6. To be 
translated and edited by E. G. Squier, Esq. 

The Voyage of Vasco de Gama round the Cape of 
Good Hope in 1497 ; now first translated from a contem- 
poraneous manuscript, accompanied by other documents 
forming a Monograph of the Life of Do Gama. To be 
translated and edited by Eichard Garnett, Esq., of the 
British Museum. 

The Travels of Ludovico Vartema, in Syria, Arabia, 
Persia, and India, during the sixth century. To be trans- 
lated and edited by Count Pepoli. 

Narrative of the Voyage of the" Tyrant Agiirre," 
DOWN the river OF THE Amazons, by Fray Pedro Simon. 
To be translated for the first time by W. BoUaert, Esq. 


The Voyages of Mendana and Quiros in the South 
Seas, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 
To be translated from Figueroa's " Hechos del Marques 
de Canete/' and Torquemada's " Monarquia Indiana," and 
edited by Clements R. Markham, Esq. 

The following six Members retire from the Council, viz. ; 

The Right Hon. Lord Broughton. 

John Barrow, Esq., F.R.'S. 

Lord Alfred Spencer Churchill. 

Egerton Harcourt, Esq. 

The Right Hon. Lord Taunton. 

His Excellency the Count de Lavradio. 

Of this number, the three following are recommended for 
re-election, viz. : 

Lord Broughton. 

Lord Alfred Spencer Churchill. 

The Count de Lavradio. 

And the names of the following gentlemen are proposed 
for election, viz, : 

Sir John Bowring, LL.D. 

The Right Hon. Lord Wensleydale 

The Rev. W. Whewell, D.D. 

The Council have also to report that the Honorary 
Secretary, Mr. Clements R. Markham, having been sent to 
South America on a Government Mission, which will entail 
an absence of a year and a half, Mr. Major has kindly 
undertaken to perform the ordinary duties of Honorary 
Secretary during that period. As Mr. Markham has pre- 
pared works for publication, which will meet the demands 
of subscribers during his absence, the Council have resolved 


that he shall retain the Secretaryship, if his duties do not 
detain him from England later than April 1861. 

Statement of the Accounts of the Society for the year 1859-60. 





It last Audit 





by Bankers 







,«C30 2 8 

Mr. Richards, for Printing three 
Works ....' 292 14 

Mr. J. E. Richard, for Paper 

Translations and Transcriptions . . 




Gratuity to Agent's Foreman .... 

Stationery, Parcels, Postage, and 
Sundries 4 C 

3.^2 5 

Present Balance at Bankers 239 6 3 

Ditto in Petty Cash 8 11 5 












Examined and Approved, March 5th, 1860. 

W. B. RYE, 


Clje ?^afelugt ^onetK. 










G. M. ASHER, LL.D. ''>]': V'' 

LONDON: ;/.■ 






SIR RODERICK IMPEY MURCIIISON, G.C.St.S., F.R.S., D.C.L., Coir. Mom. lust. F, 
Hon. Mem. Imp. Acad. Sc. St. Petersburg, &c., &c., Pkesident. 

The marquis OF LANSDOWNE ) 

I Vice-Presidents. 


Ut. Hon. LORD I5R0UGHT0N. 




Sir henry ELLIS, K.H., F.R.S. 



R. W. GREY, Esq. 


His Excellency the COUNT DE LAVRADTO, 

R. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.S.A. 



The Rev. ',V. WTIEWELL. 

CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, Esq., Honorary Secretary. 










Introduction . - _ . . 

Notes to Introduction - - _ . ccxvi 

Divers voyages and northerne discoveries of that worthy 
discoverer Henry Hudson, from Purchas' Pilgrims, 
vol. iii, pp. 567-610 : 

First Voyage, his discoverie towards the north pole 
in 1607, written partly by John Playse, one of the 
crew, and partly by Hudson himself - - 1 

Second Voyage or employment of Master Henry 
Hudson in 1008, written by himself - - 23 

Third Voyage of Master H. Hudson in 1G09, written 
by Robert J net of Limehouse - ~ - 45 

Fourth Voyage in 1610. An Abstract of the Jour- 
nal of Master Henry Hudson - - - 93 

A larger Discourse of the same Voyage and the success 

thereof, written by Abacuk Pricket - - 98 

A note found in the deskc of Thomas AVydowse, student 
of mathematics, one of them who was put into the 
shallop - - - - - 136 




Purchas his Pilgrimage, folio, London, 1626, p. 817. 

VI. Of Hudson's discoveries and death - - 139 

Hudson's first voyage (1607), from Edge's brief discoverie 

of the Muscovia merchants (Purchas, v. iii, p. 464) - 145 

Captain Fotherby's statement concerning Hudson's Jour- 
nal of his first voyage (Purchas, v. iii, p. 730) - 146 

Hudson's third voyage (1609) from Van Meteren's His- 

torie der Nederlanden. Folio, Hague, 1614, fol. 629a 147 

Extracts relating to Hudson's third voyage (1609), from 
John de Laet's Nieuwe Werelt, fol., Amsterdam, 1625, 
1630-1 (from book iii, chapter 7) - - 154 

(From book iii, chapter 10) . . . 159 

Extracts containing some original information about Hud- 
son's third voyage, from Mr. Lambrechtsen van 
Ritthem's " History of New Netherland" - - 164 

Extracts concerning Hudson's third voyage (1609), from 
Adrian van der Donck's " Beschryvinge van Nieuw 
Nederlandt," 4to., Amsterdam, 1655, 1656 - 167 

American traditions concerning the third voyage (1609) - 173 

An Extract from Captain Luke Foxe's description of Hud- 
son's fourth voyage (" North- West" Fox) p. 70 - 180 

Hessel Gerritz's various accounts of Hudson's two last 
voyages, from the Latin and Dutch edition of the 
" Descriptio ct Delineatio Geographica detectionis 
Freti ab H. Hudsono invcnti." Amst., 1012, 1613: 

I. Hudson's fourth voyage. A summary printed 
on the back of the chart. An account of the voyage 

and new found strait of Mr. Hudson - - 181 

II. Hudson's third and fourth voyage, from the 
Prolegomena to the first Latin edition - - 1'83 



III, Hudson's third and fourth voyage, from the 
Latin edition of 1612. An Account of the Discoveric 
of the North- West Passage, which is expected to lead 
to China and Japan by the north of the American con- 
tinent, found by H. Hudson - - - 185 

IV. Hudson's tliird and fourth voyage, from the 
second Latin edition of 1613, with notes indicating the 
variations of the Dutch edition. A description and 
chart of the strait or passage by the north of the 
American continent to China and Japan - - 189 


Voyage of John de Verazzano along the coast of 
North America from Carolina to Newfoundland (con- 
taining the first discovery of Hudson's river) a. d. 1524. 
Translated from the original Italian, by Joseph G. 
Cogswell, Esq. Preliminary notice by the translator - 197 

Voyage of Captain John de Verazzano. Letter to 
His Most Serene Majesty the King of France (together 
with the original Italian text) - - - 199 

"Writings of William Barentz (Barentson) in Hud- 
son's possession (Purchas his Pilgrims, vol. iii, pp. 
518-620) - - - - - 229 

A treatise of Iver Boty, a Gronlander - - 230 

Van der Donck's observations about the Wampum 
or bead money of the Indians, mentioned by Hudson. 
(From the N. Y. Hist. Soc. Collection, New Series, 
vol. i, p. 206) - - - - 235 

Title and Prolegomena to the first edition of the 
" Detectio Freti" - - - - 236 

Title and Prolegomena to the second edition of the 
" Detectio Freti" - - - - 242 



A letter from President Jeannin to Henry IV of 
France, containing an account of his Negociation with 
Henry Hudson, through Isaac Le Maire (with the 
original text in French) _ _ - 244 

Extracts concerning a shipbook found at Amster- 
dam, by John Romeyn Brodhead, Esq. - - 254 

Extracts from a charter granted to the Company of 
the Merchants Discoverers of the North-West Pas- 
sage. Apud Bledsoe, July 26th, 1612 - - 255 

Two Extracts from Rafn's " Antiquitates Ameri- 
canse" ...... 257 

Other names of Hudson's Strait: Hudson's Bay, 
Hudson's Touches, Hudson's Point, and Hudson's 
River - 257 

Bibliographical List, containing the books, maps, 
etc., etc., mentioned in the present work - - 258 

Index - - - - - 279 



A letter from President Jeannin to Henry IV of 
France, containing an account of his Negociation with 
Henry Hudson, through Isaac Le Maire (with the 
original text in French) _ - , 244 

Extracts concerning a shipbook found at Amster- 
dam, by John Romeyn Brodhead, Esq. - - 254 

Extracts from a charter granted to the Company of 
the Merchants Discoverers of the North-West Pas- 
sage. Apud Bledsoe, July 26th, 1612 - - 255 

Two Extracts from Rafn's " Antiquitates Ameri- 
canse" - - - - - 257 

Other names of Hudson's Strait : Hudson's Bay, 
Hudson's Touches, Hudson's Point, and Hudson's 
River - - - - - - 257 

Bibliographical List, containing the books, maps, 
etc., etc., mentioned in the present work - - 258 

Index - - - - - 279 


Hudson's river, Hudson's strait, and Hudson's bay, 
remind every educated man of the illustrious navi- 
gator by whom they were explored. But though 
the name of Henry Hudson possesses these preserva- 
tives against oblivion, little more has been done 
on its behalf, and few persons have any accurate 
notion of the real extent of his merits. By con- 
sidering Hudson as the discoverer of the three 
mighty waters that bear his name, we indeed both 
overrate and underrate his deserts. For it is certain 
that these three localities had repeatedly been visited 
and even drawn on maps and charts long before he 
set out on his voyages. Nor did he himself claim the 
discovery of the strait and bay. He was fully aware 
that he was but proceeding further on a track 
opened up by his predecessors. On the other hand, 
we may perhaps be too ready to overlook those parts 
of Hudson's achievements that have left their marks 
less strikingly on the geographical delineations of our 
globe. They are very important nevertheless. The 
mere extent of his voyages is sufficient to place him 


very high among the explorers of the north. He 
surpasses in that respect all other arctic navigators, 
except one or two of our own clays, who have en- 
joyed immense advantages over him. Besides his 
own original discoveries, he visited during the four 
last years of his life very nearly all the northern 
shores of Europe and Eastern America, which had 
been visited by his predecessors during the previous 
century, and everywhere his presence left at least 
some traces. 

To fill up the gap in geographical literature here 
pointed out, no plan seems to be better fitted than 
the one generally adopted in the publications of 
the Hakluyt Society. The original records of a 
navigator's or traveller's exploits, if properly eluci- 
dated by notes and introductory remarks, constitute 
the most authentic portraiture of him that can be 
ofi'ered to the geographical reader. The example set 
by Marsden's Marco Poh^ shows how very much may 
be accomplished in this manner. The editor of the 
present volume has tried to follow this great model ; 
but, besides his too evident inferiority to the scholar, 
whom he has been trying to imitate, he has had difii- 
culties to encounter, almost greater than those over- 
come by Mr. Marsden. The history of early northern 
discovery is both intricate and obscure, and it has 
not been thoroughly lighted up by anterior research. 
Many new investigations have thus become necessary ; 
and the editor has also to present a most complicated 
subject in a clear and readable form ; and this too in 
a language foreign to him. He hopes therefore not 


to be judged too severely, if he partly fail in accom- 
plishing his aim. 

The records of Hudson's voyages which are here 
collected were originally noted down, and have been 
preserved by various hands. They are not all of 
equal authenticity. They even sometimes contradict 
each other ; and it is in these cases not easy to 
elicit the truth. We must tlierefore examine each 
record with close attention to ascertain what reliance 
may be placed in it. But as we purpose to render such 
a review of our records perfectly clear and intelligible 
to every reader, it is necessary first to give, as briefly 
as possible, a summary of Hudson's career. 

The whole period of his life known to us extends 
over little more than four years, from April 19, 
1607, to June 21, 1611. The greater part of this 
time is filled up by four voyages, all of them under- 
taken in search of a short northern passage to the 
eastern shores of Asia. The first voyage was per- 
formed in 1607, for the Moscovy Company. Its 
purpose was the search of a north-eastern passage to 
China. The principal explorations made in the 
course of it were along the coast of Spitzbergen. 

The second voyage took place in 1608, also in 
search of a north-eastern passage, and likewise for the 
Moscovy Company. In the course of it, part of 
Nova Zembla was explored. 

The third voyage was undertaken in 1609, at the 
expense of the Dutch East India Company. Its 
starting place was Amsterdam, its original purpose 
still the search of a north-eastern route. But, 


meeting, near Nova Zembla, with an unbroken 
barrier of ice, Hudson went to tlie west, and 
attempted the search for a north-western passage. 
The principal locality explored during this voyage is 
the North-American stream which we still call 
Hudson's river. 

In 1610, Hudson again sailed to the north-west, 
in search of a passage. The expenses of the ex- 
pedition were borne by three English gentlemen. 
Hudson explored the strait and part of the bay 
which bear his name. He passed the winter 1610- 
1611 in one of the most southern harbours of the 
bay. On the 21st June, 1611, a few days after he had 
again left that harbour, a mutiny broke out among 
the crew, and Hudson, with eight companions, was 
set adrift on the waves in a small boat, and has never 
since been heard of. Tlie ship and part of the 
mutinous crew reached England in safety. 

For the bulk of our information respecting Hud- 
son's career we are indebted to Purchas. The third 
volume of his Pilgrims contains accounts of all tlie 
four voyages, written in part by Hudson himself, 
partly by some of his companions. The authenticity 
of these documents is beyond all question. Purchas 
states in his Pilgrimage} that he received the ac- 
counts of the three first voyages from Hakluyt, the 
various papers relating to the fourth voyage from Sir 
Dudley Diggs, the principal promoter of that expedi- 

The account of tlie first voyage,- to Greenland and 

' S(c ivjia, ])p. lo9, 110. - Pp. 1 (o 22 of the present vol. 


Spitzbergen is a log-book, beginning with the depar- 
ture from Gravesend, May 1, 1607, and concluding 
with the return to Tilbury, September 15, of the same 
year. This log-book is described by Purchas as 
" ivritten partly hij John Playse} one of the comj^ani/, 
partly hy Hudson himself^ Such a divided authorship 
seems, however, very singular ; and on closer examin- 
ation we discover that it restsnipon a conjecture made 
with some hesitation by Purchas. ^ He seems to have 
found the name of John Playse expressly mentioned 
as that of the author, on the manuscript he used. But 
whilst he could thus not doubt that at least the 
beginning of the log-book was due to that sailor, he 
was at a loss to explain the occurrence of some pas- 
sages, more numerous at the end than at the begin- 
ning of the account, which no one but Hudson could 
have written.^ Purchas, therefore, ascribes nearly 
one half of the log-book (from the 11th of July to 
the end) to Hudson. This explanation of the diffi- 
culty is, however, far too bold ; and there are, besides, 
some positive reasons for considering it as unsatisfac- 
tory. No difference exists between the general tone 
and style of the part undoubtedly written by Playse, 
and that attributed, on the above grounds, to Hudson 
himself. Even the occurrence of passages from Hud- 
son's pen does not form so distinctive a feature as 
would at first sight appear ; for in the first part some 

^ The logbook itself calls him John Plcyce. 
^ See his side note, p. 12. 

■"* P. 12, 1. 12 to 16, 1. 29; p. 11,1. 17, 31; p. 15, 1. 24; p. 16, 
1. 2, 1. 1-1; p. 19, 1. 7; p. 21, 1 2; p. 22, 1, 31. 


sentences occur which decidedly owe their origin to 
Hudson ;^ while there are many others, the origi- 
nal cast of which must have been furnished by our 
navigator, which Playse probably made his own by 
merely turning an I into a we? Nor is it at all sin- 
gular that a sailor, in composing for himself a log- 
book of the voyage he was engaged in, should make 
use of his captain's journal, which was most probably 
accessible to the crew of the vessel. That he should 
sometimes adopt, sometimes forget to make the 
slight alteration above referred to, and that he should 
in this respect be more negligent in the latter part of 
his log-book, was natural enough in a sailor writing 
for his own use a journal, the publication of which, 
eighteen years after it was written, he could not fore- 
see, and would probably not have desired. 

Under these circumstances it would seem most 
likely that the whole account of the voyage was 
written by Playse, but owes the greater part of its 
value to the notes which Playse derived from Hud- 
son's journal. Any one who reads the log-book with 
attention will find this conjecture far more consistent 
than the one adopted by Purchas. Besides, there 
exist two authentic extracts from Hudson's own 
journal of the first voyage.'^ Both these very short 
papers contain facts not mentioned in the log-book, 
some of which at least took place after the 11th of 

> P. 2, 1. 15, 1. IG. 

■ For instance, nearly tlic whole of p. 4 and p. 6, besides many 
other passages. 

3 See pp. 145, 14G. 


July, the date where Hudson's share of the log-book 
is said to begin. If the log-book was, indeed, partly 
his work, he must have purposely omitted some of 
his most important explorations. 

As to John Playse or Pleyce, the probable writer 
of the whole log-book, next to nothing is known 
about him. His name occurs only once, as one of the 
crew of the ship in which the first voyage was per- 
formed. There he ranks very low. Among Hudson's 
eleven companions (one of whom was a boy), Playse's 
name stands seventh. He must therefore have been 
a common sailor ; and it would be impossible to attri- 
bute to Jiim the observations of the needle recorded 
m the first person on page 2 of his journal.^ These 
observations, like all the other important parts of 
Playse's account, are evidently due to Hudson him- 

The log-book was probably intended only for 
Playse's private use, or perhaps also for some other 
sailor's. It is entirely of a professional nature. It 
contains, however, many passages of interest for the 
general reader, and principally those which reveal 
Hudson's ideas and plans. The descriptions of coasts, 
capes, harbours, and seas, are without any literary 
pretension. Still they are striking enough in their 
simplicity. For the history of geography, the log- 
book is of the very highest value, although it unfor- 
tunately lacks some important information but imper- 
fectly supplied by other sources. 

The account of the second voyage (to Nova Zem- 

1 P. 2, li. 5, 1. 16. 


bla) is likewise a log-book.^ Henry Hudson himself 
is its author. It commences with the departure from 
London, April 22, 1608, and concludes with the re- 
turn to Gravesend, August 26 of the same year. Its 
character is, in almost every respect, like that of 
Playse's journal. Some of the descriptions, however, 
are more detailed, and therefore more interesting to 
the general reader. This log-book also contains a 
curious account of a mermaid'^ seen by two of the 
sailors, which has often been quoted and reprinted. 
As a geographical record, the journal of the second 
voyage is of less importance than that of the first ; 
it is nevertheless of great value. 

Purchas says (in a footnote to p. 25) that he also 
had a journal of the second voyage, written by Hud- 
son's mate, Robert Juet. Of this Journal only two 
very small fragments remain. The first, in one of 
Purchas' side-notes to Hudson's journal of the second 
voyage, on p. 30 ; the other, in the following line of 
*' Hudson's Discoveries and Death" in Purchas' Pil- 
grimage. " They met, as both himself and Juet have 
testified, a mermaid in the sea."^ 

The account of the third voyage (to Hudson's river) 
is a journal kept by Robert Juet,^ who had been 
Hudson's mate in the second voyage, and who was 
one of his companions in the third. It begins with 
the departure from Amsterdam, March 25th (April 
4th, new style), 1609 ; it ends with the arrival in 
Dartmouth, November 7th of the same year. Juet's 

' Present volume, pp. 23-14. - P. 28. 

^ Sec infra, p. 139. ■* Present vol., pp. 45 to 93. 


journal is the most satisfactory of all the remaining 
records of Hudson's career. The indications of lati- 
tudes are generally more minute than those in the 
other papers, and most of them, when tested, prove 
to be as correct as the state of science in those times 
would allow. The descriptions are full enough to 
assist materially in identifying the localities. The 
style, though concise, is pleasant throughout, and the 
circumstance that during this voyage alone Hudson 
came frequently in contact with natives of unknown 
regions, furnishes the opportunity for narrating in- 
teresting incidents. The most important as well as 
the most pleasing part of the journal is the descrip- 
tion of the journey up and down Hudson's river. 
There is, however, in Juet's paper, one less agreeable 
feature, which ought not to remain unnoticed. He 
speaks of the North American Indians always with 
distrust and often with animosity, and looks very 
complacently on the acts of injustice, nay, of bar- 
barity, practised against them by some of the crew. 
AVith these views Hudson's very hearty and kindly 
appreciation of the qualities of the natives forms a 
most happy contrast, and it is quite certain that in 
this part of Juet's journal Hudson had no share. 
How far the astronomical observations, and, in fact, 
any other part of the journal may be attributed, 
either directly or indirectly, to Hudson, we have no 
means to ascertain. It is, however, probable that 
Juet's journal was in most respects an independent 
production. The scanty extract from a passage of 
the journal kept by Juet during the preceding voy- 


age, which has been preserved in a side note to p. 30, 
is quite sufficient to prove that he made observations 
of his own, independent of those of Hudson. We 
have, besides, but too abundant proofs of his conceit, 
and of his independence of character. Also, when 
comparing Juet's journal of the third voyage with the 
scraps of information respecting the same expedition 
that can be traced back to Hudson, we cannot believe, 
as some authors have done, that Juet. merely acted as 
Hudson's secretary. We must, on the contrary, award 
to Juet himself most of the praise and all the blame 
due to his journal. 

The reader may perhaps be curious to know what 
position Juet held on board the vessel the journal 
of which he has left us ; and this question is, in fact, 
of double importance, as it happens to involve that 
of Juet's nationality. Juet was Hudson's mate in 
the second and in the early part of the fourth voy- 
age. It would therefore be natural enough to sup- 
pose, as some writers have done, that he also had 
the rank of mate in the third voyage, which inter- 
vened between the two other ones. His own journal 
furnishes no clue. It only calls him Robert Juet, 
of Limehouse, without stating what office he held. 
But Van Meteren, an excellent authority, informs us 
that the mate on board the Half 3Ioon, the yacht 
that performed the third voyage, was a Dutchman. 
Thus, if Juet was that mate, he was a Dutchman. 
Now, strange to say, there are arguments of about 
equal strength for and against this double supposition ; 
and though they cannot of course lead us to a 


positive conclusion, we think it right to state them 
here. And, first, as regards the question whether 
Juet was the mate or no, it might seem singular that 
a man should accept a lower rank, after having the 
year before held the highest next to the captain. 
On the other hand, it is not only probable, but 
almost certain, that when the Dutch East India 
Company entrusted Hudson, a foreigner, with the 
command of one of their vessels, they obliged him 
to employ at least some of their own Dutch sailors. 
Hudson could then fill only the vacant places with 
his English friends. The mate may have been among 
those servants of the company, and Juet would then 
have been obliged to be satisfied with an inferior 
position. As to the question of nationality, Juet 
says that he is of Limehouse. His journal is also 
thoroughly English, without a shade of foreign idiom. 
But many Dutchmen were then living in England, 
and their nation possesses a wonderful facility in 
acquiring foreign languages, especially English. 
After carefully weighing these arguments pro and 
contra^ the writer of the present observations inclines 
to think that Juet was an Englishman, and that 
he was not the mate on board the Half Moon, but 
held some other position in that ship. 

Juet's career, after the termination of the third 
voyage, may be told in a few lines. He again acted 
as mate in Hudson's fourth and last voyage, which 
commenced April 17th, 1610. Scarcely more than 
six weeks after leaving home, in the beginning of 
June, he already showed a mutinous disposition, and 


threatened to turn the shi})'s head homeward. In 
tliis conduct he persisted, often " using words tend- 
ing to mutiny, discouragement and slander of the 
action, which easily took effect in those that were 
timorous,"^ and trying to persuade some of the crew 
to keep swords and loaded muskets ready in their 
cabins. These facts having been reported to Hud- 
son, Juet declared them to be untrue, and demanded 
a trial, which took place the 10th of September, 
1610. Juet was found guilty and deposed from his 
ofRce. AVhen the seed of mutiny thus sown by Juet 
had, nearly a year afterwards, taken effect, and Hud- 
son had been set adrift on the waves by his mutinous 
crew, the command of the captainless vessel was not 
entrusted to Juet, but he was often consulted by his 
companions. He died from sheer want, when near 
the end of the dreadful return voyage, and almost in 
sight of the Irish coast, early in September, 1611.^ 
One of his companions calls him " an ancient man."^ 
He must therefore have been past middle age at the 
time of his death. 

Purchas has preserved four documents illustrating 
Hudson's last voyage (to Hudson's Strait and Hud- 
son's Bay). He calls the first of them An Abstract 
from Henry Hudson s Journal.^ This paper must, in- 
deed, be a mere fragment of the original journal, for 
it extends only over about three months and a half 
from the day of departure, April 17th, 1610, to 

' See Wydhouse's note, pp. 136-138. 
2 P. 133 ; for the date, see p. 144. 
=* P. 118. » Pp. 93 to 97. 


August 3i'd of the same year. We have no reason 
to think that Hudson ever failed in his duty of keep- 
ing a regular logbook as long as he was on board his 
ship, that is to say, to the 21st of June, 1611. More 
than ten months of his journal are therefore wanting. 
The origin of the deficiency is easily explained. The 
logbook undoubtedly contained many disclosures 
which the mutinous crew of -the vessel had strong 
motives to suppress. The paper which they brought 
home and handed to their employers seems, indeed, 
most fully to deserve the name of an abstract. Omis- 
sions seem to have been made, not only at the end, 
but also in other parts of the original. The almost 
complete silence about the sojourn in Iceland, during 
which Juet's evil disposition began to show itself, 
looks very suspicious. Our regrets about the irre- 
parable loss of the main part of Hudson's journal are, 
however, in vain, and we must seek some conso- 
lation in the very great value of what is left us. 

The abstract reaches, as has already been observed, 
down to the 3rd of August, 1610. It ends with a 
short description of Cape Wolstenholme and its 
neighbourhood, and embraces, therefore, the whole 
voyage through Hudson's Strait to the very point 
where Hudson's Bay opens. Unfortunately the whole 
abstract forms less than five pages, the three last of 
which contain the description of the strait. Under 
these circumstances it is, perhaps, a matter rather of 
congratulation than of regret that these pages offer 
but little interest to the general reader, and are filled 
with dry details, observations of latitudes, indications 


of the ship's course, and short descriptions. Such as 
they are they furnish us, with the assistance of Hud- 
son's chart, the means of tracing Hudson's voyage 
through the strait almost better than any other part 
of his explorations. 

The second document, A Larger Discourse of the 
same Voyage, hj AhacuJc Pricket} is of a very different, 
and, in fact, of an almost unique nature. The author 
was a servant of Sir Dudley Diggs, the principal 
promoter of the expedition, and formed part of Hud- 
son's crew. According to Purchas, Pricket's life was 
spared by the mutineers that he might intercede for 
them with his master.^ He seems to have been very 
anxious to fulfil this engagement. Though the paper 
he has left us is in form a narrative, the author's real 
intention was much more to defend the mutineers 
than to describe the voyage. As an apologetical 
essay the " Larger Discourse" is extremely clever. It 
manages to cast some, not too much, shadow upon 
Hudson himself. The main fault of the mutiny is 
thrown upon some men who had ceased to live when 
the ship reached home. Those who were then still 
alive are presented as guiltless, some as highly de- 
serving men. 

Pricket's account of the mutiny and of its cause 
has often been suspected. Even Purchas himself^ and 
Fox speak of it with distrust. But Pricket is 
the only eye-witness that has left us an account 
of these events, and we can therefore not correct 
his statements, whether they be true or false. Be- 

' Pp. 'JS to l;35. - See p. lo8. '' W 135. 


sides being an apology for the mutineers, the " Larger 
Discourse" is not without value as a narrative. It was 
evidently written quietly at home ; not during the 
turmoil of a voyage. The author's special purpose 
induces him to dwell at great length on some scenes 
of real life that passed on and near the ship. By far 
the greater part of his discourse is devoted to these 
scenes, which have always been, and will always be, 
perused with interest. 

As a geographical record the " Larger Discourse" 
is most unsatisfactory. Its statements, which must 
in greater part have been put down from recollection 
only, without any reference to notes made during the 
voyage, are mostly vague in the extreme. Here and 
there, however, some more precise statement adds 
something to the store of reliable information sup- 
plied by Hudson's journal and chart. For the voy- 
age and wintering in the bay, and for the voyage 
home, the Discourse is, unfortunately, the only docu- 
ment of any value that is left us. 

The two remaining documents are of but minor 
importance. The first is a letter from Iceland, re- 
printed by Purchas without the author's name •} but 
apparently written by Hudson himself. This letter, 
dated May 30, 1610, speaks of the sojourn in Iceland 
and of the good shooting they got there. It men- 
tions incidentally the number of Hudson's crew, but 
contains no other valuable information. 

' Purchas speaks of the authorship, on p. 135, in so confused a 
manner, that it is impossible to see whether he attributed it to 
Hudson, to Juet, or to Wydhouse. 


The last of the documents pubhshcd in the Pil- 
grhns, is a note found in the desk of Thomas Wyd- 
house,^ a mathematical student. The note records 
the trial of Juet, to which we have already alluded, 
and the changes among the officers of the ship which 
Hudson made in consequence of it. Wydhouse's 
name is also spelled Woodliouse, Wydowse, and 
Widowes. Of his personal history nothing is known, 
beyond the fact that he was one of the unfortunate 
men who were set adrift with Hudson. 

Purchas, in publishing the above documents in his 
Pilgrims, adds to them some side notes, foot notes, 
headings, and observations, the responsibility of which 
belongs to him alone. 

Two of the headings^ and the only important foot 
note^ have already been discussed ; tlie others may 
safely be taken on trust as correct. As to the side 
notes, by far the greater part of them form merely 
a running index to the contents of the text, accord- 
ing to a custom usual in those times, and which some 
writers of our days have very properly revived. Of 
the remaining side notes, some are references to 
other sources of geographical information, some are 
explanations of nautical terms used in the text, whilst 
two are moral reflections on the events narrated by 
Pricket. Only two of the side notes deserve a more 
particular mention. They occur on pp. 13 and 40, 
and both express in strong terms Purchas's opinion 
respecting the discovery of Spitzbergcn and Nova 

' Pp. I0G-I08. ^'s Journal — IIiulsou's Abstract. 

•' Tlie note to p. 23. 


Zembla. This opinion is so very far from correct, that 
we almost wonder how it could have arisen. Some 
explanations of its origin will be offered in another part 
of these paaes. We may, however, here observe, that 
Purchas soon became conscious of having been some- 
what severe towards the Dutch, the real discoverers 
of Spitzbergen, whom his notes represent as inter- 
lopers. He says, in the introduction to the third 
volume of the Pilgrhns, that his judgment was biassed 
by the influence of Englishmen, who took an inter- 
ested view of the question at issue ; that is to say, 
by the Company of Merchant Adventurers. Con- 
sidering the great number of important documents 
furnished to Purchas by this society, we can hardly 
blame him for listening for a moment to their insinu- 
ations, and it is highly creditable that he acknow- 
ledges his error. 

A short postscript^ is added by Purchas to Pricket's 
discourse. Purchas there expresses his distrust in 
the narrator's faithfulness, and says that for this 
reason he reprints the letter from Iceland and Wyd- 
house's statement, by which Pricket's account may 
in some degree be tested. 

Another short notice is appended to Wydhouse's 
paper.2 This notice contains some additional facts 
concerning the fourth voyage, obtained from a source 
which Purchas considers as authentic. They are, 
however, not very reliable, and part of them seem 
to be derived from Hessel Gerritz's book, of which 
we shall have ample occasion to speak. 

' P. 135. 2 P. 138. 


Purchas' Pilgrimage, a work which is often con- 
sidered as the fifth volume of the Pilgrims, contains 
a remarkable chapter entitled, Of Hudson s Discoveries 
and Death. This chapter is reprinted in the present 
collection.^ It is mainly a summary of the materials 
published in the Pilgrims, and as such it is not even 
very complete. Its real importance consists in the 
additional information it furnishes. It names the 
source from which the documents printed in the 
Pilgrims were obtained, it gives a very small frag- 
ment of Juet's lost journal, it mentions the names of 
the gentlemen at whose expense the last expedition 
was undertaken, and it tells us on what day the mutin- 
ous crew of the vessel reached the Irish shore on their 
home voyage. It also clears up some questions of 
minor importance. 

Purchas has again added some side notes to this 
chapter. Only two of them are remarkable. They 
show how earnestly he persisted in the belief that 
Hudson had discovered a passage to the South Sea. 

After having examined the chapters in Purchas' 
Pilgrims and Pilgrimage which are devoted to Hud- 
son's life, we must now review a certain amount 
of fragmentary intelligence collected from various 
Bources. These fragments enable the student to fill 
up many gaps left by the more detailed records ; they 
also, in more than one instance, throw a new light on 
some of the most important events of Hudson's 

The two first fragments are again due to Purchas. 
1 Tp. i;?'.)-H 1. 


They do not, however, form part of those pages of his 
work where he treats specially of our navigator, but 
occur accidentally in two papers not directly bearing 
upon Hudson's career. Two captains in the service 
of the Muscovy Company, Edge and Fotherby, have 
left short accounts of their own and of some other 
voyages to Spitzbergen. Both made use of the manu- 
scripts deposited in the archivjes of their employers, 
and among them of the Journal kept by Hudson 
during his First Voyage. Each of them gives a short 
extract from this document, of which all other traces 
are lost. These extracts, of a few lines each, are 
reprinted in our collection.^ They are fortunately of 
very great importance, in spite of their brevity, espe- 
cially the one due to Edge. The naming of Whale 
Bay and of Hakluyt's Headland, on the north coast 
of Spitzbergen, as well as the discovery of Jan Mayen 
Island (Hudson's Tutches), are here, and only here, 
recorded. Fotherby's extract throws some light on 
Hudson's explorations along the shore of Greenland. 

The authenticity of the two extracts is unques- 
tionable. Edge and Fotherby were in the service of 
the company for whom the first voyage was per- 
formed, and which was, as a matter of course, in pos- 
session of Hudson's logbook. Both captains wrote 
a few years after Hudson's first voyage ; and Pur- 
chas, who printed their accounts, was in the habit of 
receiving documents from the Muscovy Company. 

The remaining fragments are, with only one excep- 
tion, of Dutch origin, as are also the two maps in 

^ Pp. 145, 146. 


our collection. To make the nature of these papers 
understood we shall have briefly to relate some events 
of Dutch history that are but little noticed, even in 
the Netherlands, and with which we can therefore 
not expect all our readers to be fully acquainted. 
These events had, besides, a direct and strong influ- 
ence on Hudson's connexion with the Dutch East 
India Company, and serve to explain some of the 
consequences of his third voyage. We believe 
therefore that we are justified in adverting to them 

The Netherlands, and more especially the southern 
provinces, were, during the latter part of the middle 
ages, the centre of European commerce. In their 
ports the ships of the north and the caravels of the 
south met to exchange their cargoes. The trans- 
atlantic discoveries which mark the beginning of the 
modern era, and which produced such important 
changes in the roads of trade, did not afi'ect the 
central position of the Netherlands. As the streams 
of wealth had long poured into Ghent and Bruges, 
so they now began to pour into Antwerp ; and this 
town was, in the middle of the sixteenth century, by 
far the most important emporium in Europe. The 
whole country shared these advantages, as is always 
the case under such circumstances ; and learning, 
art, literature, but before all industry, flourished on 
the favoured spot. 

The writings of many eminent historians have 
rendered all of us familiar with tlie terrible events 
which put an end to this prosperity, ^^^e all know 


liow the Spanish veterans, the German mercenaries, 
the French sokliery, pillaged the towns, burnt the 
villages, devastated the open country ; and how thou- 
sands suffered martyrdom by Alba's hand. To escape 
this persecution nearly three hundred thousand fami- 
lies left their homes, an almost incredible efflux from 
so small a country. 

It is surprising that so few writers have asked 
themselves the q.uestion, " What became of all this 
multitude V This question is, indeed, not readily 
answered. We can, however, trace the steps of some 
of the emigrants to England, of some to Sweden, 
of some to Russia, and of one even so far as the 
Azores. They went to every part of the world. The 
immense majority seem to have escaped for a while 
to the neighbouring parts of Germany, and then to 
have streamed into the seven northern provinces of 
the Netherlands, as these were gradually being freed 
from the Spanish yoke. 

Most of the riches, the energy, the enlightenment 
of the Netherlands thus became concentrated in the 
northern provinces, more especially in Holland and 
Zealand. Amsterdam became the heir of Antwerp, 
and the new-born republic of the seven provinces, 
with its few square miles of land and its few millions 
of inhabitants, soon took its place among the leading 
European powers. 

It has never been well ascertained how much the 
emigrants contributed to this sudden growth of Hol- 
land and Zealand ; nor is there much hope that the 
question will ever be ansv/ered. Besides the great 


difficulties of the inquiry, there is no one to whom it 
properly belongs. We cannot expect the Dutch to 
invite jealous rivals to a share in their glory, and the 
Belgians of the present day seem hardly to remem- 
ber that the illustrious Protestant emigrants of the 
sixteenth century were their compatriots. The fol- 
lowing stray facts, though bearing on this great ques- 
tion, are not intended as an answer to it. Their 
purpose merely is to throw light on our own subject. 
Among the emigrants who settled in the northern 
provinces there were many merchants, especially from 
Antwerp, who had brought with them part of their 
riches, all their knowledge and experience, and even 
more than their usual energy. They gave an im- 
mense impulse to Dutch trade. The names of many 
of them are necessarily forgotten, and even of those 
which are remembered a few only can be mentioned 
here. The most illustrious of them is Balthasar de 
Moucheron. He may almost be called the father of 
Dutch commerce. Before any other Dutch vessels 
ventured out of the well-known waters, we find his 
ships showing the way to Russia and to the xlrctic 
Ocean. He was also the principal originator of the 
three expeditions to the north, which made the name 
of the Dutch celebrated all over Europe.^ He, before 
all others, sent, on private account, ships to the East 
Indies. The great name which we have tried to ren- 
der familiar to our readers will meet them again in 

^ The expeditions described by De Veer, of which an excellent 
edition by Dr. Bckc forms part of the collections of the Hakluyt 
Society. See the Introduction to that work, p. Iv. 


these pages. It also occurs in Lambrechtsen's ac- 
count of Hudson's life, printed among the papers of 
our collection.^ 

It would lead us too far were we to dwell on the 
merits of some other emigrants who rendered distin- 
guished service to the advancement of trade in the 
Netherlands, but whose career is not directly con- 
nected with our subject ; such as Isaac and Jacob 
Le Maire, Jacques Mahu, Pieter des Marees, Samuel 
Godyn, Jacques I'Heremite, and many others. We 
must, however, introduce to our readers' notice one 
more great man, whose name has hardly yet been 
heard in England. 

William Usselincx, like Le Maire and Moucheron, 
an Antwerp merchant who settled in Zealand, was 
the founder of the Dutch West India Company. 
This company, though mighty enough in its day, is 
now very nearly forgotten. It was established in 
1621, and obtained the privilege of trade to America. 
It thus inherited the discovery of Hudson's river, 
and peopled its banks with industrious colonists. 
Usselincx himself was a man of extraordinary genius. 
As early as 1591, at a time when the power of Spain 
overshadowed the world, he alone among millions 
saw the real weakness of the seeming giant. He 
proposed to the Dutch to attack Spain in her colo- 
nies, especially in America, and thus to undermine 
her power. His keen eye perceived that the Dutch 
could successfully undertake this task, but they would 
not believe him. He had to struggle thirty years 

^ See infra, p. 164. 


before his great idea was partly realized, before the 
West India Company was established. The fate of 
the banks of the Hudson depended upon the issue 
of these struggles, and we might therefore, perhaps, 
be allowed to devote a few more lines to them. But 
we are afraid of losing sight of our main object, the 
review of our records, and we must therefore leave 
Usselincx for the present. 

The first of the Dutch fragments which we "were 
going to review, is an extract from Emanuel van Mete- 
ren's chronicle of the great war between Spain and the 
Netherlands.^ Van Meteren was, like most of the 
men we have just spoken of, an Antwerp merchant. 
Like them he left his country for the sake of his 
religion. But he did not settle down in Holland or 
Zealand. He went to London, and tried there to 
serve the cause of his country. He was a man of 
unflinching energy and of great mental powers ; he 
seems also to have possessed considerable means. 
The young republic of the Netherlands made there- 
fore an excellent choice when it appointed him its 
consul for England. This official position, as well as 
his extensive business transactions, brought him into 
contact with many eminent personages. He was 
thus enabled to collect by various means an astound- 
ing amount of information on contemporary events. 
He seems to have at first accumulated his notes with- 
out any settled purpose : this at least is his own 
statement. He adds that his cousin, the celebrated 
Abraham Ortelius, suggested to him the idea of pub- 

' Pp. 145 to 153. 


lisliing these memoirs. Howsoever this may be, the 
work itself does not bear the stamp of an assemblage 
of loose papers. It is written with great care, is better 
connected than any one of the numerous contempo- 
rary chronicles, and is teeming with life. It has de- 
servedly obtained a place among the historical master- 
pieces of all ages. Not that the book is well known 
to the public. But whoever reads it for the first time, 
is surprised to find how familiar every page is to him. 
The admirable portraiture of the principal characters 
in the great drama, the wonderful descriptions of 
preachings, pillages, sieges, and battles have been bor- 
rowed by the most eminent writers, and the statements 
of facts have passed into the current history of the 
sixteenth century. They are contained in all our 
handbooks. It is perhaps not too much to say, that 
the great favour which the events in the Netherlands 
during Philip II's reign have found in the eyes of 
historians, poets, and artists, may be mainly ascribed 
to the ease with which materials can be borrowed 
from Van Meteren's inexhaustible store. The nu- 
merous modern researches which form a brilliant 
superstructure on this solid foundation, prove that 
the general confidence in Van Meteren's accuracy is 
very deservedly bestowed. 

Van Meteren's history, such as we now have it, 
consists of two very unequal parts. The first, the 
main work, embraces the whole of Philip II's reign, 
ending with the year 1598. It was written when the 
author was yet in full possession of his great powers, 
and it was published under his care. The second part, 


a supplement, brings the chronicle down to the year 
1611. It bears the most evident marks of the old 
man. The author, then seventy-six years of age, 
hurried to finish it, feeling, as he himself says, the 
call to another world pressing upon him. He was 
not even to see it in print. He died in 1612. The 
supplement was published for the first time in 1614. 
The great beauties to which we have alluded are to 
be found only in the main work ; but conscientious- 
ness and accuracy belong to both parts alike. The 
supplement has a character of its own, which makes 
the description of Hudson's voyage contained in it 
all the more valuable as an historical source. The 
latter part of Van Meteren's history is more like a 
collection of documents and notices chronologically 
arranged, and very slightly connected among them- 
selves, than like a regular narrative. Most of 
the pieces are evidently in the original state in 
which they were first inserted among the author's 

This is more especially the case with regard to the 
account of Hudson's voyage. The account bears the 
stamp of having been rather hastily translated from a 
verbal or written communication. Its real author is 
most probably Hudson himself. This supposition is 
borne out by the circumstances in which Van Mete- 
ren and Hudson were placed, and by some curious 
internal evidence. Van Meteren, when speaking of 
Hudson and of his companions, very naturally uses 
the words " theij left," '■Hliey feared," etc. But all on a 
sudden we meet with the following passage: "Thence 


they sailed along the shore until we reached 40° 45'."^ 
Can there be any more natural supposition than that 
the old man here committed an oversight similar to 
those pointed out by us in Playse's logbook ^ He 
probably had an account of the voyage written 
by Hudson, and in translating it he once forgot to 
turn ive into iliejj. All attentive readers of early 
voyages will remember that this is a very common 
oversight. The old merchant was, besides, in Lon- 
don at the time of Hudson's return from his voyage. 
We learn from him that our navigator was pre- 
vented, by the commands of the English govern- 
ment, from going to Holland and laying his reports 
before his employers. It is but natural that Hudson 
should in this difficulty have applied to the Dutch 
consul, and it is probable that the correspondence 
between Hudson and the East India Company, which 
is mentioned by Van Meteren, passed through Van 
Meteren's own hands. 

But even if we hesitate to ascribe this origin to 
Van Meteren's account of the third voyage, it still 
remains a document of great importance. It cannot 
have been written down much more than a year after 
Hudson's return. The excellent opportunities which 
the author enjoyed, and his justly celebrated con- 
scientiousness, are a sufficient guarantee for the accu- 
racy of the facts related by him. 

The contents of the account coincide in many 
points with the statements made by Juet, and serve so 
far to confirm them. Van Meteren is the only source 

> P. 150. 


that throws light on the events which happened be- 
tween the 5th and the 19th of May, 1609, on Hud- 
son's voyage from the North Cape to the neighbour- 
hood of Nova Zembia, the mutiny of the crew, Hud- 
son's propositions made to them, and the final deter- 
mination to sail to the west instead of the east. Juet 
preserves a suspicious silence on all these matters. 
His journal contains no entry, from the first arrival 
of the vessel at the North Cape until its return to the 
same point. Van Meteren further informs us that 
Hudson was a friend of Captain Smith, the cele- 
brated explorer of Virginia, and that the idea of 
searching for a passage under 40°, was in a great 
measure due to the advice of this illustrious man. 
We could hardly venture to enumerate here all the 
other important facts which can be gathered from 
this account of the third voyage. We must in this 
respect refer the reader to the observations on the 
voyage itself, which we shall offer in anotiier part of 
the present introduction. 

Two more remarks have, however, yet to be made. 
Van Meteren's account opens with a reference to the 
preceding (the 30th) book of his chronicle. The 
notice to which he alludes must have dropped out of 
his papers before the work was sent to the press. It 
is not to be found in any of the printed editions. 
The second remark is, that the whole account, from 
the words, " this Henry Hudson" [Desen Ilerrij Ilidson) 
down to the end, has been reprinted, but without the 
author's name, by Commelijn, in his celebrated work 
Begin en Voorigang van de Ncderlandsche Oost ludische 


Compagnie^ and has thence passed into Constantin de 
Reneville's still more celebrated Voyages enirepris 
pour la Compagnie des Indes, etc. The latter work is 
therefore often, but quite erroneously, quoted as an 
original source for the biography of Henry Hudson.^ 

The next fragments that come under our con- 
sideration,- are taken from De Laet's description of 
America. Before speaking. of them more especially, 
we have to make some general observations bearing 
as well on this as on other parts of our subject. 

John De Laet was one of the Directors of the 
Dutch West India Company. He was of Belgian 
origin, like Willem Usselincx, the founder of the 
association, and like most of the men who took a 
leading part in it. The Company itself may, in fact, 
be considered as having emanated from the Belgian 
emigrants settled in the northern provinces, and as 
the principal representative of their aims and views. 
By the war between Spain and the Netherlands the 
trade of central Europe was forced out of its wonted 
channels. The Belgian towns, the theatre of so much 
A'iolence, became unsafe depositories for the riches of 
all nations, many of the most industrious merchants 
fled, the harbour of Antwerp was almost deserted, 
and the mouth of the Scheldt was made inaccessible 

^ The editor of the present booh has refrained from introducing 
long titles into his text. But knowing the great imjiortance of 
exact bibliographical descriptions, he is going to append, at the 
end of the volume, a list of all the works mentioned in it, with the 
necessary bibliographical details. 

- Pp. 154-166. 


by vigilant cruisers, long before it was entirely closed 
by international treaties. By far the greater part of 
the commerce thus lost to Belgium found its way 
to Holland and Zealand. The Belgian emigrants, 
whose activity greatly contributed to this change, 
saw it, however, with the utmost regret. They had 
never fairly adopted Holland, Zealand, and the other 
northern provinces as their permanent abode, but 
continued to look to the south as to their own dear 
home. They even shrank from matrimonial alliances 
with the original inhabitants of the north, and formed 
in every respect a separate body, closely knit toge- 
ther by common interests and common longings. 
They felt the yoke which was pressing on the Bel- 
gians almost as heavily as if they had themselves still 
been groaning under it, and they longed with all 
their hearts to drive the Spaniards from their ancient 
homesteads, to return in triumph, and to introduce 
the Protestant religion into their native country. 
The plan by which they intended to effect this noble 
purpose is so grand that it hardly deserves the obli- 
vion with which history has punished its failure. 
They proposed to attack the Spaniards in all their 
colonies, to destroy their resources, and thus to dis- 
able them from holding Belgium any longer. The 
events of after times have clearly proved that this 
might have been done, had the Hollanders and Zea- 
landers not been prevented by opposite interests 
from joining heartily in these generous efforts. 

Among the means which the emigrants devised for 
the realization of their scheme, there is one which de- 


serves in the highest degree the attention of the geogra- 
phical student. It was evident that a body of men who 
proposed to themselves an object like the one they 
had in view, must needs first possess a thorough 
knowledge of the configuration of the earth, so as to 
direct tlieir steps safely to any point on its surface. 
The emigrants counted in their ranks a number of 
men of high scientific acquirements, and among these 
the idea sprang up, more distinctly in some, less dis- 
tinctly in others, to assist by scientific research and 
geographical labours in the deliverance of their 
country. The names of these men are familiar to the 
geographical student. Mercator, the De Brys,Hulsius, 
Bertius, De Laet, Cluverius, Peter Plancius, Jodo- 
cus, and Henry Hondius, are known to us all as 
being among the fathers of modern geography ; but 
it seems to be forgotten that a nobler aim than mere 
scientific research animated their efibrts. 

The Dutch West India Company was, first as a 
scheme, afterwards as a reality, the centre point of 
all these endeavours. They disdained the peaceful 
arts by which other privileged associations of the 
same class have grown mighty and rich. Their aim 
was to attack the Spaniard in his transatlantic 
strongholds ; to sink or take the ships in which he 
transported his silver and gold ; to cut him ofi", if 
possible, from all connections with the New World. 
All the other aff'airs, which the nature of their posi- 
tion and the extent of their privileges forced upon 
them, were treated as minor matters, hardly worthy 
of their attention. But their main object was pur- 


sued with an energy beyond all belief. In spite of 
all the difficulties they had to contend with, they 
long maintained a war fleet of more than seventy 
sail, and almost succeeded in driving the Spaniards 
from the American seas. 

John de Laet was one of the earliest and most 
eminent directors of the "West India Company. His 
description of America, the work from which our 
extracts are taken, is marked by the same features 
which distinguish the company itself and the body 
of men from which that association sprang. As a 
geographical compilation it is one of the finest even 
among those produced by the Belgian emigrants, and 
for systematic treatment, precision, and general accu- 
racy, it may perhaps claim the very first rank among 
the manuals of the time. Its main portion, the de- 
scription of the coasts and islands under Spanish 
sway, is the work of a man whose eye is greedily- 
fixed upon those lands, and who is mentally grasping 
them. But that part does not regard us. Our ex- 
tracts are derived from a chapter (the third) w'hich 
is principally devoted to an account of New Nether- 
land, the large territory in North America claimed 
by the West India Company on the ground of Hud- 
son's discoveries, and at that time in small part occu- 
pied by their agents. This part of the work bears, 
like the rest, the stamp of the interests which the 
author pursued. To establish the company's title 
to New Netherland, and to substantiate it by all 
possible details, this seems to be its special purpose. 
Unfortunately tlie task is an ungrateful one. The 


claim of the company to New Netherland was based 
upon specious pretences, which do not stand the test 
of close inspection. We shall have again to insist 
upon this fact, because it is far from being generally 
admitted ; and because it explains some curious 
features in De Laet's and Van dcr Donck's accounts 
of Hudson's third voyage. The flaw in the Dutch 
title has besides given origin to an idle and entirely 
unwarranted story, which has found its way into 
more than one biography of Henry Hudson. We 
shall resume these matters when speaking of Van 
der Donck. For the present we have only to call 
the reader's attention to the artful manner in which 
De Laet tries to connect the voyage of Henry Hud- 
son with the company's claim. He endeavours to 
establish a chain of events and arguments between 
the two points ; and, we are sorry to state it, he does 
not scruple to forge an extra link which he believes 
to be necessary. lie maJces Hudson return to Amster- 
dam to give an account of his voyage. AYe know, on 
unquestionable authority, that this statement of De 
Laet is false ; and he was far too accurate to make 
such a blunder through negligence. His special pur- 
pose becomes therefore the more evident. Under these 
circumstances we must be extremely cautious in 
using any such statements of his as would tend to 
strengthen the Dutch title to New Netherland. This 
caution will be necessary in more instances than one. 
The above remarks refer only to one or two pas- 
sages. The rest of De Laet's description of Hudson's 
third voyage must be reckoned among our most reliable 


documents. The description of the voyage occurs 
incidentally in two different chapters, the seventh and 
tenth, of the third book of De Laet's Nieuive Werelt. 
The second of these passages consists almost entirely 
of two fragments, the only remaining ones, of Hud- 
son's report to the Directors of the Dutch East India 
Company. The short summary of the whole voyage 
contained in the first passage, seems for the most 
part to be derived from the same source. No one 
will read these fragments of Hudson's journal with- 
out regretting the loss of the paper from which 
they are taken. Short as they are, they form the 
most graphic picture of the life, manners, and aspect 
of the North American Indians, left by any one of 
the early navigators. It may, perhaps, not be super- 
fluous to observe that we do not even possess the 
original cast of Hudson's words. As De Laet 
gives them, they are merely a translation. Hudson 
himself, though for a short time in the service of the 
Dutch, could not easily understand, and therefore 
certainly not write their language. He required the 
services of a friend to translate for him some Dutch 
papers, which he desired to make use of during this 
same voyage. 

A few years ago, when the writer of the present 
pages was staying in Holland, a rumour had got 
abroad, that a part of De Laet's manuscript materials 
had turned up. The rumour was entirely unfounded ; 
and for the present there appears to be no chance that 
the original of Hudson's report should come to light. 
Much may however be hoped for from future re- 


searches. Little is lost in so eminently conservative 
a country as Holland ; and attention has lately been 
much directed to these matters. Search has also been 
made in the Archives of the East India Company, for 
any materials relating to Hudson. The scraps of in- 
formation gathered from these archives will be given 
elsewhere in these pages. Hudson's report has not as 
yet been discovered. It is very possible that it was, 
in De Laet's time, given up to the West India 
Company or lent, and thought of too little importance 
to be asked back. There is also some chance left of 
its still being found among the papers of the East 
India Company. This immense store of documents 
was till quite lately without calendars, or indices of 
any kind. It has, since, been entrusted to able hands ; 
and many important discoveries will undoubtedly be 
made among its dusty piles. 

De Laet's Nieuwe Werelt, appeared first in 1625 ; 
then for a second time in 1630. Copies of the earlier 
edition are rare; and none was to be found in this coun- 
try. Our reprints are therefore taken from the 1630 
edition. A gentleman in Holland, however, to whose 
unostentatious labours historical research is greatly 
indebted, has been so kind as to compare for us the 
text of the two editions, and has found them to agree 
in every word ; as far at least as our extracts are 
concerned. A reprint both of the seventh and tenth 
chapter of the third book, is to be found in a very 
rare tract, Beschryvinge van Virginia, Nieuw Nederlandt, 
etc. 4to., Amsterdam, 1651, pp. 14, 15 ; and 20 to 


The next two extracts in our collection^ are taken 
from the account of Hudson's voyage, which forms 
part of Lambrechtsen's history of New Netheiiand. 
Some of the statements in that account cannot 
be traced back to printed sources, and there is every 
reason to believe that they were borrowed from 
early documents, then existing at Middelburg. The 
facts in question all relate to Hudson's intercourse 
with the Dutch East India Company. At the time 
when Lambrechtsen wrote, a remarkable collection of 
documents belonging to that Company was preserved 
at Middelburg : and Lambrechtsen, as might be ex- 
pected from his high standing, had access to them. He 
quotes repeatedly in his history from the "• Notulcn van 
de xvii"; that is to say, the minutes of the proceed- 
ings of the seventeen East India directors. It can- 
not, however, be positively asserted, that the state- 
ments which we are discussing were taken from this 
important source. Nothing certain can be said on 
this point, as long as the above mentioned collection 
of documents remains inaccessible. It was for a long 
time in private hands at Middelburg, was then, about 
eight or nine years ago, surrendered to the East 
India Company in Amsterdam ; and, has still more 
recently been transferred to the royal archives at the 
Hague. But as there has never been a calendar, or 
any other kind of list made, there is but too good 
reason to fear that some of the papers may have been 
lost on the way. Some inquiries made by the writer 
of the present pages, both by correspondence and 

' Pp. 10 1 to IGG. 


verbally, during a short sojourn on the spot, have led 
to no results. We are thus, for the present, obliged 
to take Lambrechtsen's assertions on trust. 

We have already alluded to the extracts from Van 
dcr Donck's description of New Netherland ; which 
follow next in the order of our documents.^ Van der 
Donck speaks, in several passages of his work, of 
Hudson's third voyage, and he makes several state- 
ments respecting it, which disagree more or less with 
the earlier and better sources. These statements miixht 
seem to deserve implicit credit, on account of the 
opportunities for obtaining information which the 
author possessed ; and some conscientious writers 
have indeed fully trusted them. We consider all 
these statements as spurious, not only because they 
are not borne out by contemporary evidence, but more 
especially because they all tend to strengthen the 
Dutch title to New Netherland, which Van der 
Donck had a strong interest to defend. 

The following was Van der Donck's position with 
regard to this title. The title itself was little better 
than a shadow. It was entirely founded on the 
boldest, the most obstinate, and most extensive 
act of squatting^ recorded in colonial history. The 
territory called New Netherland, which the West 
India Company claimed on account of Hudson's 
discovery, belonged by the best possible right to 
England. It formed part of a vast tract of country, 
the coasts of which liad been first discovered by 
English ships, on which settlements had been founded 
^ Pp. 1G7 to 172. 


by English colonists, and which had been publicly 
claimed by England, and granted to an English 
Company, before Hudson ever set foot on American 
ground. But the wilds and wastes of primeval forests, 
were thought of so little value, that the Dutch were 
for many years allowed to encroach upon English 
rights, without much more than passing remonstran- 
ces of the British government. 

Some Dutch adventurers, induced by the favour- 
able accounts of Henry Hudson, and of some Dutch 
mariners who followed in his track, first founded a 
factory and built a fort on an island in the mouth of 
Hudson's river — the beginning of New York. The 
adventurers afterwards obtained, as a protection 
against the commercial opposition of their own coun- 
trymen, the exclusive privilege of trading to those 
parts. Both the privilege and the settlement passed 
into the hands of the Dutch West India Company, 
who enlarged the fort till it gradually became a town, 
made vast grants of land, sent out colonists, and 
commissioned some of their servants to rule over the 
colony. This rule of the West India Company lasted 
for more than forty years. But it is a remarkable 
fact, that during nearly all that time the Dutch 
government could not be induced to acknowledge 
New Netherland openly and distinctly as a Dutch 
dependency. This singular state of affairs led, as may 
easily be imagined, to ardent contentions between 
the English and Dutch colonists in New England and 
New Netherland, neither of which sets of men was 
naturally disposed to yield. Of these contentions Van 


der Doiick. He resided in New Netherland from 
164:1 to 164:9, first as a law officer (schout fiscael) 
in the colony of Rensselaerswyck ; afterwards as a 
settler near New York. He quarrelled with the 
somewhat despotic governor of the country, and 
headed a faction opposed to the colonial government. 
He, at last, returned to Holland, as the leader of a 
deputation of influential settler's, who were to expose 
at home all the wrongs hy which they believed the 
colony and themselves to be oppressed. Van der 
Donck wrote two books in support of the cause 
which he represented, both of which contain short 
descriptions of Hudson's voyage. The first of them, 
called Vertoogh van Niemo Nederland^ and published 
in 1650, is mainly an account of the misrule of the 
colony, with a short description of the country, and 
other similar matters. It contains the germs of the 
ingenious inventions concerning Hudson's voyage, 
which are further developed in the second work, 
BesclirijvingJie van Niemo Nederland., from which our 
extracts are taken. Van der Donck's reason for 
making these inventions is obvious enough. He 
wished to induce the Dutch government to take 
strong measures against the New Englanders in de- 
fence of the pretended right of the Dutch settlers. 
His reason for being more explicit in the second 
work than in the first is also very obvious. The war 
between England and Holland (1552 to 1554) in- 
tervened between the two publications. After its 
termination several delegates were sent out from 
Holland to England, to arrange the numerous dif- 


ferenccs which existed between the two countries. 
These delegates were urged by the West India Com- 
pany to bring the North American disputes to a 
peaceable arrangement. But they failed, and wrote 
to Holland, that they themselves did not consider the 
claim of the Company as substantiated by the evidence 
adduced ; and that^ unless better evidence was brought 
fonvard^ they could not possibly press the claim on the 
English government. This correspondence was going 
on at the very time when Van der Donck was en- 
gaged upon the compilation of his work. 

The fictions in which Van der Donck has indulged, 
are of so serious a character, that we have been 
obliged to make this digression to put them in their 
true light. He represents Hudson as having taken 
possession for the Dutch, of a tract of country, which 
belonged to England. Nothing however could be fur- 
ther from Hudson's intention, and even from that of his 
employers, the Dutch East India Company, who looked 
with anything but favour on the endeavours to esta- 
blish the rule of the Netherlands in the New World. 

Hudson's long stay in Holland, for which Van der 
Donck is the only authority, seems likewise to be 
an invention, made to render the taking possession of 
New Netherland for the Dutch a less unlikely act. 
This residence in Holland is not an absolute im- 
possibility. It may, however, be observed, that Hud- 
son was in 1607 and 1608 in English service ; and that 
he was not sufficiently acquainted with the Dutch 
language to understand, without an English transla- 
tion, some papers of Barents, which had been lent to 


him. It was, on the other hand, not an uncommon 
practice among English captains, to enter the Dutch 
service, as is shown by the examples of Davis, Adams, 
and Hudson himself. We are on the whole inclined 
to think, that Van der Donck possessed no informa- 
tion concerning our navigator, which is not existing 
at the present day ; and that the startling new facts 
which he adds, had their origin in his fertile imagina- 
tion. The sources which he made use of were De 
Laet and Van Meteren, and in copying the latter 
author, he has made a most ludicrous mistake, which 
must at once deprive his assertions of all credit.^ 

Van der Donck,- and, a century and a half after, 
Dr.Heckewelder^ and Dr. Barton,^ noted down on the 
spot, a sort of legend of Hudson's arrival in America, 
handed down by the American Indians. There is a 
considerable discrepancy between the earlier and the 
later accounts. A scene of drunkenness, which really 
happened, is dwelt on at great length in the more 
modern story, without being even mentioned in the 
old one. We are not inclined to attribute much 
weight to this tradition, either in its simple or its 
adorned state. A tale of this kind is very likely to 
be elicited from the imaginative aborigines, by the 
eager questioning of the white man. The tale, whe- 
ther true or false, has the merit of being well told. 
The etymological argument by which Dr. Ilecke- 
welder attempts to support it, ought rather to de- 
tract from, than to increase its credit. The name of 

' See infra, pp. 152, note 1 ; 167, note 1. 
2 Pp. 169-170. ^ Pp. 173-179. >* P. 179. 



the island Manhattans is not, as he asserts, derived 
from a scene of drunkenness. It is taken from a 
tribe of Indians, and is ah'eady mentioned by Hudson 

Another American tradition, concerning Hudson's 
first landing place, does not seem entitled to much more 
credit. The early settlers in those regions had other 
cares than these historical recollections to attend to. 
We possess several remarkable books written by some 
of them, and it does not seem that they paid much 
attention to subjects of the kind. The tradition is 
probably of a comparatively modern origin, having 
its source in a guess. The locality mentioned is not 
by any means the most likely one for Hudson's first 

Our next fragment^ is taken from Luke Foxe's 
North West Fox. The book which bears this singular 
title is the description of Captain Foxe's voyage in 
search of a north-west passage, performed in the 
year 1631. Foxe has therein set an example, w^liich 
has been very generally followed in later accounts of 
north-western expeditions. Before describing his 
own voyage he gives a summary of the exploits of 
his predecessors. Most of the statements contained 
in that part of his book are, however, of little im- 
portance, being merely extracts from sources which 
we still possess. Such is also his account of liudson's 
voyage. The only notice in it that is really original, 
is the one reprinted among our fragments. It is not 
of a pleasing nature, throwing, as it does, a most 
1 r. 173. - r. ISO. 


unfavourable light on Hudson's character. A certain 
master Colburne (or Colbert, or Coolbrand) was sent 
out with Hudson on his fourth voyage. Colburne 
seems to have been attached to the vessel as a kind 
of official adviser, without any special functions. 
Hudson soon got tired of this control, and sent Col- 
burne home asfain. So far the facts are authentic. 
But Foxe adds that Colburne was a better man than 
Hudson, and insinuates that it is to the former, not 
to the latter, that the plan of searching for a passage 
in latitude 61° was due. This malicious insinuation 
is devoid of all truth. Abundant proof is still extant 
that Hudson had, years before, matured the idea 
here ascribed to Colburne. The name of this sailor 
is also not otherwise mentioned in the records of 
maritime discovery, and his having been a man of 
conspicuous merit thus becomes very doubtful. We 
can, therefore, hardly hesitate to ascribe Foxe's calum- 
nious insinuations to the desire to depreciate the 
merits of a great predecessor whom he had vainly 
tried to outrival ; an explanation fully consistent with 
the character of Foxe, who had all the conceit and 
self-complacency observable in little minds. 

We have now to speak of the most important 
documents in our collection — Hudson's chart of the 
fourth voyage, and the explanations added to it by 
its publisher, Hessel Gerritz.^ Gerritz belonged to a 
class of persons, to whom geographical science is very 
deeply indebted. He was, like the Arrowsmiths, 
Petermanns, Van der Maelens, and Johnstons of our 

1 Pp. 181-194. 


day, a geographer, map maker, and publisher of geo- 
graphical works. His labours, though few in number, 
are of the most genial nature. Fixing his eyes on the 
boundaries of the known world, he followed with 
enthusiasm the first rays of light that began to pene- 
trate into regions of darkness and mystery. Hudson's 
chart of the fourth voyage was Gerritz's first publica- 
tion, and around it grew, in a very remarkable manner, 
the most interesting of the many collections of voy- 
ages and travels printed in the early part of the 
seventeenth century. 

Hudson's chart, of which we give an exact fac- 
simile, was at first published by itself, with a short 
explanation in Dutch on its back,^ probably in 
autumn 1612. 

The chart was republished a short time afterwards, 
as part of a pamphlet in Latin,^ the first edition of 
the collection of voyages and travels to which w^e have 
alluded. This collection also contained an explana- 
tion of the chart, somewhat ampler than the one 
given at first ;^ and besides this information on the 
far north-wTst, it brought before the public Fernan- 
dez de Quiros's explorations in the far south, and 
Massa's account and map of the regions about the 
mouth of the river Oby in the far north-east. The 
introduction or iwolegomcna to the pamphlet, which 
contain some other valuable materials and throw a 
light on the plan of the work, are reprinted in the 
appendix to the present volume.^ 

^ Pp. 181-133. ~ Sec appendix, p. L'o6. 

■' Pp. I8r)-ir)<). ' i»p. L>;j(')-i2i'_'. 


The same painplilet was again issued in 1(512, with 
a new title page, and with some slight changes in 
the arrangement ; but without any additions. 

In the same year, 1612, a Dutch edition was pub- 
lished; being in almost every respect a translation from 
the Latin. The explanation of Hudson's chart^ is 
however both corrected and enlarged, and is in 
several important points at variance with the preced- 
ing editions. 

Early in the year 1613a revised Latin edition was 
published, differing in many important points from 
its predecessors. A new, and much shorter intro- 
duction,^ took the place of the valuable prolegomena. 
The explanation of Hudson's chart was translated 
from the Dutch edition, with important additions and 
alterations at the end.^ The voyage of Cornelis Nai 
to the north-east and north-west, to which allusion 
is made in the prolegomena to the first edition, is 
here described in full ; the navigator having returned 
in the interval. Some corrections of doubtful value 
are also introduced into Massa's map. 

The last edition of the work was also published in 
1613. It is in every respect identical with the one 
just described ; but contains at the end Peter Plan- 
cius's observations on the dispute between the Eng- 
lish and Dutch, with regard to the discovery of 
Spitzbergen. This edition is extremely rare. 

The chart published by Gerritz had originally been 
drawn by Hudson himself. This fact, which is clearly 

^ Tp. 189-193. - Appendix, pp. 211-212. 

3 Pp. 193-194. 


stated by the publisher,^ is also borne out by other cir- 
cumstances. We learn from Pricket that Hudson had 
drawn a chart of the strait and bay, which the muti- 
neers consulted on their home voyage. ^ The delinea- 
tion before us is evidently based on a knowledge of 
the localities ; and it contains only such places as 
Hudson himself had visited. Still it might surprise 
us that the chart was published in Holland, not in 
England. This somewhat singular circumstance can, 
however, be readily explained. Holland was at that 
time the centre of all geographical research, owing 
to the impulse given to these studies by the Belgian 
emigrants. These scholars made ample use of the 
facilities afforded them by the dispersion of so many 
friends over all parts of the civilised world. Tliey 
entertained more especially a lively intercourse with 
England, as can be seen by a glance thrown on the 
labours of the most prominent among them. We 
can thus guess how Hudson's chart was obtained, 
and we may, perhaps, even be fortunate enough to 
divine the very channel through which it reached 
Hessel Gerritz. 

The chart seems to have been first sent from Eng- 
land to Peter Plancius, one of the most eminent 
geographical scholars among the Belgian emigrants, 
and who was, like the late Sir John Barrow, universally 
known to take a special interest in the search for a 
short northern route to China, a subject which he 
had also been discussing with Hudson himself. 
Hessel Gerritz's publication was at least made with 

' P. 194, note 1. ' I'p. 121 and 126. 


the sanction, and, to a certain degree, nnder the 
auspices of Peter Plancius; as appears from Plancius's 
supplement to the last edition, and from many re- 
marks in Gerritz's explanations of the chart. 

The delineation 'which we have hefore us may 
seem a poor work to modern eyes, and many persons 
might think that the engraved copy did not do full 
justice to the original draught. But when we apply 
the standard of Hudson's time instead of our own, we 
find this chart to be far superior to many contempo- 
rary productions, and decidedly the facile iirinccps of 
all the then existing delineations of the arctic regions. 
The elementary state of geographical science, the 
imperfections of the instruments, the entire want of 
any previous data, the fogs, the storms, and the ice 
of those inhospitable regions, fully explain the un- 
avoidable defects of the work. 

The engraving of the chart is very probably by 
Hessel Gerritz's own hand. The ornamental additions 
are in the same fine bold style which distinguishes an 
exquisite and rare engraving representing tvalrusscs 
signed by him. The style in which the chart itself 
is engraved is not unlike that of Hessel Gerritz's 
map of Russia in Bleau's great atlas. The fidelity 
with which most English terms are copied, and, on 
the other hand, the occasional Batavianisms (such as 
hoojje for hope^ Yslandt for Iceland, etc.), need, therefore, 
not surprise us. Our own engraving of this remark- 
able chart is of course somewhat inferior to the origi- 
nal ; but it is nevertheless an exceedingly good copy. 

Lucidity of style is not among Gerritz's good points. 


as his explanations to Hudson's chart too well show. 
They are made up from two different elements, neither 
being presented in the most acceptable shape. The 
explanations contain, first a summary of Hudson's and 
Plancius's discussions about the search for a north- 
western passage in the locality where Hudson after- 
wards discovered his strait. The account of these con- 
versations seems to be correct in all main points, though 
somewhat confused in certain details. Far greater, 
unfortunately, is the confusion which prevails in the 
other part of Hessel Gerritz's explanations. His 
account of the voyage is confusion itself. The vari- 
ous versions in the different editions even contradict 
each other in some important points. The facts in 
which all the editions agree are of but minor import- 
ance. Some of them seem to owe their origin to a 
reliable source, some to be based on hearsay. 

The whole work of Hessel Gerritz has been re- 
peatedly reprinted in Germany. The best known of 
these counterfeits forms part of the great De Bry 
collection. It is easy to distinguish, both in the 
originals and in the reprints, the text of the first 
from those of the later Latin editions. The following 
are the most characteristic marks. In the original edi- 
tions the date^ 1612 for the first, 1613 for the others ; 
secondly, the greater length of the prolegomena in 
the first edition, eight pages in one case, two in the 
other ; lastly, a very curious difference. George 
Weymouth, whose expedition is repeatedly referred 
to in the explanations to Hudson's chart, is in the 
first edition called Wtmuood, the name of the English 


ambassador at the Hague. This mistake is corrected 
in the later editions. It is, of coarse, copied in tlie 

The last one^ of our documents is another chart, 
which serves to illustrate Hudson's two first voyages. 
It is taken from Pontanus's history of Amsterdam, 
published in that city in 1611, and illustrated with 
maps by the publisher, the celebrated Josse, or 
Jodocus, Hondius, to whom we have repeatedly al- 
luded. Pontanus's work contains in several of its 
chapters the history of the voyages of the Dutch, and 
among them an account of Barentz's three expedi- 
tions to the north. The present chart is intended to 
illustrate the third of these voyages ; and it would 
thus seem not to bear special reference to Hudson. 
Hondius had, however, come in contact with our 
navigator in 1609, and appears to have obtained 
from him some details about his two first voyages. 
The conscientious geographer thouglit it his duty 
to introduce this information into his chart of 
arctic regions, and this chart is therefore almost 
as much an illustration of Hudson's as of Barentz's 
voyages. Colin s Cape^ one of the localities discovered 

* Besides the printed sources which we have reviewed, there 
exist some manuscript notices among the documents of the Dutch 
East India Company. Considerable efforts have been made to 
obtain fac-similes of these ; but as yet without result. We have, 
however, full reason to hope, that we shall be able to make this 
important addition to our collection before we finally close it. 
The printing of the present part of the work could not be any 
longer delayed ; we must therefore review these manuscript docu- 
ments in another part of our introduction. 



in 1607, and the Banquise, or continuous icebank, 
which hindered Hudson's progress to the north, are 
to be found in no other map or chart, either old or 
new. The words on this chart, Glacies ah H. Hud- 
sono detecta anno 1608, also contain the first mention 
publicly made of our navigator. 

The appendix to our collection consists of several 
pieces, not strictly bearing on Hudson's career, but 
illustrating points of collateral interest. The first 
of them is Verazzano's voyage along the North Ame- 
rican coasts, and his discovery of Hudson's river. ^ This 
voyage is already well known from Ramusio and 
Hakluyt. But Verazzano's original letter, preserved 
in the Magliabecchian library in Florence, has never 
yet been printed in Europe. It is, however, of great 
interest, not only on account of the verve and fresh- 
ness prevailing in it, but more especially on account 
of a valuable appendix, which Ramusio has not 
given. This appendix is of special importance for 
our subject, because it restores one of the connecting 
links in the history of arctic discovery. The reasons 
which we give for inserting this somewhat extensive 
document in our collection are not, however, meant 
as excuses for printing it. It undoubtedly deserves, 
on its own merits, a place among the collections of 
the Hakluyt Society, and it will better repay an 
attentive perusal than any other part of the present 
volume. We have purposely adopted Professor Cogs- 
well's excellent translation, which preserves in most 
respects the character of the original. We have also 

' Pp. 197. 


borrowed from him the introduction and the notes 
by which his translation is accompanied. 

The appendix further contains the English trans- 
lations of two papers which had originally been writ- 
ten in Dutch by the celebrated William Barentz, had 
then passed into the hands of Peter Plancius, and then 
into those of Henry Hudson, who got them trans- 
lated into English.^ The translations were first in 
Hakluyt's, then in Purchas's possession. The latter 
published them, as he says, for Barentz's sake. They 
are not less important for the biography of our navi- 
gator, and furnish some of the few existing materials 
towards his personal history. 

The next piece^ in our appendix is an extract from 
Van der Donck, about the wampum or bead money 
of the Indians, as an illustration to a passage in 
Juet's Journal, p. 86, note 2. 

Then follow, as the concluding pieces, the pro- 
legomena to the first and to the second Latin editions 
of Hessel Gerritz's work.^ Of this book we have 
spoken at sufficient length, and on reference to the 
papers themselves, it will easily be seen that they 
are interesting and important. 

Having concluded our review of the sources, we 
now proceed to give a short account of the existing 
researches respecting Henry Hudson that have come 
under our notice. 

Summaries of our navigator's career are contained 
in many cyclopaedias and biographical handbooks. 
They generally convey some idea of his purposes and 

' P. 229. 2 p 235. 3 pp 236, 242. 


principal discoveries, but are inexact in their details ; 
being mostly based on a somewhat superficial ac- 
quaintance with the documents collected by Purchas, 
without those preserved by other hands. Of the 
articles examined by us, those in the Biographie TJni- 
versclle and Biographia Britannica are the best. None 
of them, however, contain anything that can be pro- 
perly called original research. To the same class of 
labours belongs also a sketch of Hudson's life, among 
the collection of biographies edited by Mr. Jared 
Sparks. This sketch is well written ; and one or two 
other sources, besides those collected by Purchas, 
have been made use of. We also notice here and 
there an original observation. But the research is 
not of sufficient depth to render it useful for a special 
purpose like ours. 

Another class of short biographies of Hudson is 
contained in general and special works on arctic dis- 
covery ; such as Adelung, Forster, Barrow, etc. The 
authors of these works are better acquainted with the 
arctic regions than the contributors to handbooks of 
a more general nature. Still, few of them have 
thought it worth their while to inquire, with any- 
thing like diligence, into Hudson's career ; and it 
may perhaps be observed without injustice, that the 
histories of arctic discovery arc all of them some- 
what below the present standard of critical research. 
Little, if anything for our purpose, can be learned 
from the more general works. They contain rapid, 
and sometimes even hasty, summaries of the most 
accessible sources ; this being, indeed, the avowed 


plan of the best known of these histories, that of Sir 
John Barrow. It would be unjust to pass the same 
criticism on Mr. Rundall's Vojjagcs towards the North- 
West. But the purpose of this diligent scholar is 
more to lay before his readers as yet unknown 
sources, drawn from archives and libraries, than to 
indulge in geographical details. His sketch of Hud- 
son's last voyage is, therefore, more an interesting link 
in a chain of valuable evidence, than an independent 
production ; and we cannot blame the author for its 
having proved of little advantage for our purpose. 
It is not Mr. Rundall's fault that he has been unable 
to find any new documents concerning Hudson's 

More satisfactory researches are to be found in some 
works of a more special character. Captain Beechey, 
in his well-known appendix to his arctic voyage, 
dwells at some length on Hudson's first and second 
expeditions. Captain Beechey has used only Playse's 
description of the first, and Hudson's description of 
the second voyage, without the other fragments. But 
he is himself thoroughly acquainted with the locali- 
ties, and his observations are of very great value. 
They have often been quoted and extracted by more 
recent writers. 

One passage in Hudson's account of his second 
voyage has also been examined with much critical 
acumen by Dr. Beke, in the introduction to his 
edition of De Veer. 

None of the four voyages has, however, been more 
specially investigated and commented upon than the 


third, which led to the discovery of Hudson's river. 
The inhabitants of the United States have, with a 
most laudable zeal and energy, embraced the task of 
inquiring into their own antiquities ; and the task 
being in itself of a limited nature, these researches 
have already been brought to greater completeness 
than perhaps those concerning any part of the Old 
World. The State of New York has, in this respect, 
been both more zealous and more successful than any 
other. The New York Historical Society, an associa- 
tion formed for this kind of research, has been flourish- 
ing for the last half century; and it may look back with 
pride on its past career. Besides the labours, both at 
public and at private expense, which the society has 
encouraged, they have themselves published in their 
collections many of tlie most important documents 
concerning their national history. To these collec- 
tions Ave are largely indebted. We have borrowed 
from them the translations from De Laet, Van der 
Donck and Lambrechtsen, and Dr. Heckewelder's 
observations, as well as the original and the trans- 
lation of Verazzano's letter. The collections also con- 
tain a reprint of the chapters in Purchas's Pilgrimage^ 
which form pp. 1-138 of our volume; so that by 
far the greater part of what we have reprinted is 
also to be found in various places of those American 

The collections also contain the first special essay 
on Hudson's third voyage, written in 1810 by Dr. 
Miller, a member of the society. This essay is other- 
wise not very remarkable. Some of its observations 


seem, however, to be good, and have been approved 
of by later American historians, who were, like the 
author, acquainted with the localities. 

Still more light is thrown on Hudson's third 
voyage by other researches, indirectly connected 
with the New York Historical Society. The most 
important of them, at least for our purpose, is the 
History of the State of Neiv York, begun, but never 
terminated, by Yates and Moulton. This book de- 
votes more than sixty pages to Henry Hudson. The 
voyage along the American coasts and up and down 
Hudson's river is investigated with great minuteness ; 
and so little seems in this repect to be left undone, 
that the more recent American historians have added 
but little to Yates's and Moulton's researches. 

A different kind of importance belongs to the re- 
searches made in the European archives by Mr. John 
Romeyn Brodhead. This gentleman was charged by 
the government of the State of New York, at the 
instigation of the Historical Society, to collect in 
Europe all such documents as might be bearing on 
the history of the state. The mission was crowned 
with eminent success. Partly by his own exertions, 
partly by the liberal and sometimes enthusiastic 
assistance afforded him by European scholars, Mr. 
Brodhead was enabled to carry home a most valuable 
collection of papers. He was, of course, desirous to 
obtain some MS. documents concerning Henry Hud- 
son ; and his almost complete want of success in this 
respect might lead us to the conclusion that really 
nothing exists. We must, however, hesitate to take so 


gloomy a view of the question. We have ah-eady had 
occasion to observe, that there are distinct traces still 
extant of papers concerning Hudson ; which were 
preserved in Holland, some in the seventeenth, and 
some as late as the beginning of the present century. 
We have also observed, that a long time must elapse 
before an insight can be obtained into the treasures 
of the Dutch East India archives. Mr. Brodhead 
was in this respect still more unfavourably situated 
than he would have been at the present day. He 
seems not even to have been acquainted with the 
Middelburg collection, which was then in private 
hands and almost forgotten. Still we owe to Mr. 
Brodhead the knowledge that, at least among the 
more accessible papers, nothing was to be found, 
except an entry of a few lines in a ship register. 

We are also under another obligation to Mr. Brod- 
head. He has compiled from the materials collected 
by him, a work which forms the first volume of a 
History of the State of Netv YorJc. He there treats of 
our navigator. Some of his observations are import- 
ant. But the chief value of tlie book for our sub- 
ject consists in a very complete enumeration of the 
sources for the history of the third voyage. 

Between Yates and Moulton's and Brodhead's 
histories, another work of the same kind made its 
appearance in New York, under the title Hlstorij of 
New Netherlands by Dr. O'Callaghan. This book also 
describes, in about ten pages, Hudson's third voy- 
age. The analysis contains a few original observa- 
tions. We seize this opportunity for recommending 


Dr. O'Callaghan's charming work to those few of our 
readers who might feel interest enough in Henry 
Hudson to follow up the subject of his splendid dis- 
covery. The history of the banks of Hudson river 
has here been chronicled, in a manner not the less 
attractive for being entirely unassuming and natural. 
The other works on the same subject, though in some 
respects more exact, are somewhat tedious for persons 
not specially interested in this matter. 

There are also two Dutcli treatises on the IIlsto)ij 
of the State of Ne IV York. AVe have already spoken 
at some length of the first of them, and have extracted 
all the interesting portions of the descriptions of 
Hudson's voyage. The other one contains very little 
of any importance for our subject.^ 

AVe have found no researches of any value for the 
investigation of the fourth voyage, and have, with 
regard to this difficult subject, been thrown almost 
entirely on our own resources. 

From the time of Luke Fox down to our days, it 
has been almost invariably the custom to prefix to 
every special account of one or more arctic expedi- 
tions, a general summary of what had been done by 
the predecessors of the navigator under review. This 
custom has been followed as well by autobiographers 
as by those who have described the voyages of others, 
whether living or dead ; in order to place their heroes 

^ Mr. Ch. Murphy, the United States' Minister at the Hague, 
has recently issued to his friends a small pamphlet on Henry 
Hudson ; hut, to the editor's regret, has declined to afford him a 
sight either of a printed or a MS. copy. 


in their proper light, by showing how much had been 
achieved before them, and how much new informa- 
tion they added to the old stock. We have, besides, 
another still more cogent reason to adopt this method. 
If we fail to do so, some of the most important pas- 
sages, and often the whole context of the sources 
■which we have collected, would remain obscure. For, 
Hudson and his companions could, of course, not 
have been previously acquainted with the real fea- 
tures of the regions among which their explorations 
lay. Had they been so, their labours would have 
been superfluous. They entertained, on the contrary, 
notions which were more or less wide from the truth. 
These notions, though shared by Hudson's contem- 
poraries, for whom the various journals and logbooks 
were kept, have long since given way to better know- 
ledge, and have disappeared from the memory of man. 
Thus the journals and logbooks are, in soma respects, 
as if they were written in an obsolete tongue. 

To make them fully understood, we shall have to 
restore the geographical ideas concerning the north 
which prevailed in Hudson's time. They were based 
partly on arctic expeditions, more or less imperfectly 
known ; partly on rumours, which the most ancient of 
these voyages had engendered ; partly on the state- 
ments of Strabo, Ptolemy, Pliny, and other classic 
writers ; partly even on fantastical and entirely 
groundless imaginations, that liad sprung up during 
the middle ages. All these elements, singularly 
mixed as they were, had in some degree been ar- 
ranged and digested by the geograpliical critics of 


the clay, who, unfortunately, however, had hut imper- 
fect methods of research at their disposal, and no true 
standard to guide them. 

The object of the following pages will, then, be a 
double one : first, to assign to Hudson his proper 
place among arctic navigators, by showing what 
knowledge he had received from his predecessors, 
and what he added to the store collected by them ; 
secondly, to define his own geographical notions, as 
clearly as their nature may allow. For the sake of 
clearness we shall treat of the two branches of this sub- 
ject separately ; speaking first of tlie actual achieve- 
ments of arctic navigators up to Hudson's time, and 
tlien of the results which science had drawn from 
their labours. 

In so doing, it cannot be our purpose to give a 
complete and critical history of arctic exploration up 
to the year 1607. Our aim simply is, to restore a 
chain of events, many parts of which are now^ scat- 
tered and scarcely noticed ; so as to be able to attach 
to it, without constraint or violence, the links fur- 
nished by the labours of our navigator. 

A great part of the arctic shores that have been 
visited in modern times were already known to the 
Scandinavians during the middle ages. The exact 
limits of their discoveries cannot well be ascertained ; 
nor would the present place be fit for such inquiry ; 
but the great influence which these early exploits 
exercised on more recent navigators, particularly on 
Hudson, gives them a special claim on our attention. 
It is sufficient for our purpose to observe, that the 


Scandinavians, sailing from the regions they still in- 
habit, occupied and colonized Iceland, that they also 
founded colonies in Greenland, and that steering still 
farther to the west they reached North America. 

These discoveries, and the lasting intercourse to 
which they gave rise, were materially facilitated by 
the geographical position of the localities themselves, 
which seem to form a chain of stages thus placed by 
nature for the convenience of human exploration. 
The advantages drawn from these splendid oppor- 
tunities by the discoverers themselves were, however, 
but scanty ; and mainly so on account of their situa- 
tion, which both confined them to their own limited 
resources, and precluded any influence their know- 
ledge might otherwise have exercised on more south- 
ern nations. Fear of these northmen's savage energy, 
the distance and wildness of their home, and chiefly 
the hostile efforts of the Hanseatic confederacy, whose 
main purpose it was to oppose them, proved so strong 
a barrier, that there seemed hardly to exist any bond 
between them and the rest of Europe. 

Thus it happened that a treasury of knowledge the 
most important existed for centuries in Europe with- 
out reaching those nations to whom it would have 
proved the greatest boon. It cannot, however, be 
said that this knowledge remained entirely without 
its effect. The records of these early exploits were 
carefully kept, and repeatedly translated from one 
northern tongue into another. The Scandinavians 
also constructed, from the results they had obtained, 
geographical systems of their own, which included 


Iceland, Greenland, and North America. These 
records and systems continued to be preserved in 
Iceland even when Scandinavian navigation had al- 
most ceased to exist. Although we now possess 
slight fragments only of these important historical 
documents, we are, nevertheless, enabled to say with 
perfect certainty, that even at the end of the fifteenth 
century the Scandinavians, at least those in Iceland, 
had a vivid remembrance of the early achievements, 
and sufficiently clear notions of the results, that had 
thus been obtained. 

It was not before the middle of the sixteenth cen- 
tury that anything like a distinct knowledge of these 
important materials reached the more southern nations 
of Europe. But a number of vague rumours seem to 
have spread through various channels, and travelled 
southward, long before that time. Many of the early 
and rude portolani and of the first geographical works 
that appeared in print contain indications of Green- 
land. The extreme vagueness of the information 
thus derived caused that great arctic continent to 
be variously drawn on maps, and also its name 
to be variously spelled. "We ought not to lose 
sight of this important fact ; for when the critical 
geographers in Hudson's time and shortly before him 
compiled their books, maps, and charts, they were 
thus led to suppose the existence of several vast 
arctic tracts, with very similar though not identical 
names, such as Greenland, Greenland, Groneland, 
Engroneland, Grocland. Two, sometimes even three, 
of these appear upon the same maps, in every kind 


of shape and position; to the north, north-east, and 
north-west of Europe. The search for these various, 
more or less imaginary territories, constitutes one of 
the characteristic features of early northern voyages. 
Ilenry Iludson suffered greatly under these delu- 
sions, and contributed to dispel them. 

yVe can, under these circumstances, entertain no 
doubt that some geographical communications re- 
specting the northern discoveries of the Scandina- 
vians must have reached the south of Europe before 
the time when the voyages of Columbus, Cabot, and 
Vasco de Gama opened a new era in the history of 
maritime explorations. Nor is it quite impossible 
that the early discoveries of the northern nations 
exercised some influence on the ideas of the great 
Italians, Columbus and the Cabots, who discovered, 
the one the West Indies, the others North America, 
It is a well known and often discussed fact that 
Columbus visited Iceland, the great storehouse of 
Scandinavian information, respecting the north-west, 
fifteen years before his first voyage across the Atlan- 
tic. John Cabot resided for some time in Bristol, a 
town which then carried on an active trade with 
Iceland, and wdiich he and his son Sebastian after- 
wards made their starting place for their expeditions 
to the north-west. It is further certain that Sebastian 
Cabot went to North America in 1-198 by way of 
Iceland, and that, some time in his life, he made him- 
self thoroughly acquainted with that country, most 
probably by personal investigation. Several other 
indications, on which wc cannot here dwell, contri- 


bute to make it probable that some connexion existed 
between the discovery of North America during the 
middle ages and that which constituted the com- 
mencement of the modern era of arctic explorations. 

This observation, which an impartial inquiry has 
led us to make, by no means implies a slur on the 
memory of the Cabots. Their merits will admit of the 
most critical investigation ; and they would, indeed, 
shine out more briglitly, if the attention which both 
geographers and historians might profitably bestow 
upon them were not withheld, partly from neglect, 
partly from prejudice. However tempting the pre- 
sent opportunity might seem for paying that debt of 
gratitude, both the nature and the limits of this essay 
preclude the attempt. It belongs, however, to our 
subject, to take a short review of the efforts and 
achievements of the Cabots, the originators of all 
modern navigation in the north, whose footsteps were 
implicitly followed by all their successors for more 
than a century. Henry Hudson himself may, perhaps 
before all others, be styled a disciple of the Cabots. 

The search for a north-western and for a north- 
eastern way to China, the two schemes upon wliich 
all Hudson's energies were engaged, originated with 
John and Sebastian Cabot. The various efforts made 
in both directions, from the time of the Cabots down 
to that of Henry Hudson, will be the main facts for 
our consideration. 

To understand how these schemes of the Cabots 
arose, it is necessary to realize for a moment the geo- 
graphical notions prevailing at the end of the fifteenth 


century. The geographical dogma of that time re- 
cognized one great continent, comprising Europe, 
Asia, and Africa, and surrounded by sea. This con- 
tinent, with the Oceanus by which it seemed to be 
encompassed, was believed to form the whole surface 
of our earth. The eartVi itself was, by the great 
majority, thought to be flat ; a few only knowing it 
to be a globe. Of the continent no part had been in- 
vestigated with anything like the accuracy of modern 
times. Even the shores that were familiarly known, 
were most imperfectly delineated on the best maps. 
This incorrectness grows with the distance, and is 
often so great as to destroy all resemblance between 
the supposed and the real outline of the more distant 
lands. The sources from which these notions were 
drawn could, indeed, not yield any more accurate 
knowledge. The systems of cosmography then recog- 
nized were almost entirely based on the writings of 
the ancients, the study of which had recently been 
resumed. Into these systems such scraps of informa- 
tion were introduced as could be gathered from the 
accounts of more modern travellers, chiefly Italians, 
Arabs, and Spanish Jews, with here and there a vague 
indication of the northern discoveries of the Scandi- 

Let us imagine a terrestrial globe constructed ac- 
cording to these ideas. We perceive one great mass of 
land, composed of Europe, Asia, and Africa ; Europe 
very imperfectly, Asia and Africa almost fancifully 
drawn. All the remaining surface of the globe con- 
sists of one vast expanse of water, nearly unbroken. 


except by a few islands near the continent. The 
eastern shores of Asia and the western shores of 
Europe are separated by nothing but a wide sea. 

The records of the intercourse of the ancients with 
India and China, which were eagerly studied by the 
eminent men of this age, and still more the accounts 
of mediaeval travellers, especially of Marco Polo, 
had long fixed the attention 'of Europe on the east 
and south-east of Asia. Alexander's march to the 
furthest boundaries of the known world was a fa- 
vourite theme of mediaeval poetry. The accounts of 
the civilization, population, and riches of China and 
Japan, surpassing anything to be found in Europe in 
Marco Polo's time, shine forth with almost fabulous 
splendour in the description of his travels. Some of 
the commodities produced in the far east had from 
time immemorial formed part of the choicest luxu- 
ries of European magnates. The circuitous channels 
through which alone they could be obtained still 
further enhanced their value. Most of them were 
brought by the hands of the Arabs, and the wonder- 
ful tales in which these sons of the desert described 
the glories of the land of spices and emeralds were 
carried westward, together with the merchandise 
which formed their theme. Thus everything con- 
tributed to make the east and south-east of Asia 
appear as the very ideal of fairy land. 

It is therefore very natural that in some minds the 
idea arose of crossing the ocean, which alone seemed 
to separate Europe from these wonderful shores ; and 
we all know how Columbus attempted it and what 



he found. The same object was also pursued by the 
Cabots. But instead of sailing like Columbus through 
the tropical regions, John and Sebastian Cabot di- 
rected their course to the north-west. It would be 
interesting to ascertain why they adopted this road. 
The reason which they themselves put forth is suffi- 
cient to explain their proceedings. They said that 
the iiearer to the North Pole the shorter the course ivoidd 
necessarily he. This reason has been powerful enough 
to induce so many hardy adventurers to follow in the 
footsteps of the Cabots ; and it must have seemed 
much more plausible before the existence of the new 
continent, which blocks up the passage, and before 
the difficulties and horrors of arctic navigation were 
known. Still it is not improbable that John Cabot 
had, during his stay in Bristol, received some hints 
from the Icelanders who traded to that port. For, 
having this opportunity to become acquainted with 
their records, it would be a strange coincidence 
had he merely by chance trodden in the very foot- 
steps of the ancient Scandinavians. Like them, 
he reached North America by way of Iceland ; and 
like them, in a region which some Icelandic scholars 
were, at the very time of his expedition, describing 
in their geographical manuals.^ 

But even if we suppose Cabot to have been ac- 
quainted with the voyages to Vinland, these events 
did not appear to him in their true light. They did 
not lead him to surmise the existence of a continent 
different from the one which contained Europe and 
^ See note A, at the end of the introduction. 


Asia. He was as yet completely convinced that 
nothing but the ocean divided England from China. 
The fact that the ocean had been crossed, and that 
land had been discovered on the other side, would 
simply prove to him that China might be reached 
by that route. The Cathay of Marco Polo and the 
vaguely described Vinland of the Scandinavians, 
would appear to him as identical ; and he would 
conclude, that by following in the footsteps of the 
Northmen, he must also arrive in Cathay. Stupen- 
dous as these mistakes may appear to us, they were 
natural in a time when the term latitude was yet 
almost unknown, and they form the simplest expla- 
nation of John Cabot's first north-western voyage. 

Some recently discovered documents serve to dispel 
part of the obscurity which surrounds the history of 
the Cabots ; so that the main facts of their career may 
now be stated with tolerable clearness, leaving, how- 
ever, still several very important points open to 
doubt. John Cabot, a Venetian miles auratus, or 
gold- spurred knight, resided for some time in Bristol, 
following mercantile pursuits, like many other Italian 
gentlemen of that age. He returned to Venice, and, 
after a long absence from England, we find him again 
here in 1496. 

The country from which he started on his first ex- 
pedition to America, as well as the date of the disco- 
very, remain uncertain. Sebastian Cabot, John's son 
and companion, asserts that the expedition took place 
in 1494, and that land was first seen the 24th of 
June of that year. It is difficult to conciliate this 


statement with some thoroughly reliable details of 
the Cabots' expedition to America in 1497, which 
appears in every way as if it had been their first 
voyage of discovery. 

Our doubts are still increased by the following 
fact. The statement to which we allude was made 
on a large map or planisphere by Sebastian Cabot 
in 1544 and 1549, when he was an old man, perhaps 
of feeble memory. This same map was afterwards 
copied by Clement Adams, a geographer of that time, 
who was undoubtedly acquainted with Cabot. Adams 
deliberately alters the date of 1494 into 1497. 

Many important questions connected with this first 
expedition must thus remain in abeyance. Sebastian 
Cabot has described it in a few lines, and from the 
description we learn the day of the first landing, and, 
perhaps, the locality where it took place. Does this 
really apply to a voyage undertaken in 1494, or must 
it be referred to the expedition of 1497 \ Further, 
under what impressions did John Cabot act when he 
took out his letters patent in 1496 \ 

Cabot obtained in March 1496, from Henry VII, 
letters patent for the discovery of new lands, for him- 
self and his sons, Sebastian, Ludovico, and Sanzio. 
He sailed from Bristol in spring 1497, and returned 
to England about the 10th of August of the same 
year. The voyage is described in the following words 
by the Venetian Pasqualigo, who was in London at 
the time of Cabot's return. ^ 

^ Extract from a letter written by Lorenzo Pasqualigo, son of 
the late Messcr Filippo, dated London, August 2ord, addressed 


" This Venetian of ours, who went with a ship from Bristol 
in quest of new islands, is returned, and says, that seven 
hundred leagues hence he discovered ' terra firma,' which is 
the territory of the Grand Cham ; he coasted for three hun- 
dred leagues and landed ; he saw no human being whatso- 
ever, but he has brought hither to the king certain snares, 
which had been set to catch game, and a needle for making 
nets ; he also found some felled trees, wherefore he sup- 
posed there were inhabitants, and returned to his ship in 

" He was three months on the voyage it is quite certain ; 
and coming back he saw two islands to starboard, but would 
not land, time being precious as he was short of provisions. 
The king is much pleased with this intelligence. He says 
that the tides are slack, and do not flow as they do here. 

" The king has promised that in the spring he shall have 
ten ships, armed according to his own fancy, and at his 
request he has conceded him all the prisoners, except such 
as are confined for high treason, to man them with. He has 
also given him money wherewith to amuse himself till then, 
and he is now at Bristol with his wife, who is a Venetian 
woman, and with his sons ; his name is Zuan Cabot, and 
they call him the great admiral. Vast honour is paid him, 
and he dresses in silk ; and these English run after him like 
mad people, so that he can enlist as many of them as he 
pleases, and a number of our own rogues besides. 

'' The discoverer of these places planted on his new-found 
land a large cross, with one flag of England and another of 
S. Mark, by reason of his being a Venetian ; so that our 
banner has floated very far afield." 

This letter is a fit subject for much speculation. 

to his brothers, Alvise and Francisco Pasqualigo, in Venice. Re- 
ceived on the 23rd of September, 1497. — Collections of the Philo- 
hiblon Society, vol. ii. 


Only two of the questions to which it gives rise seem, 
however, to belong to our province. The country of 
the Great Clian^ of which Pasqualigo speaks, is the 
Cathay of Rubruquis and Marco Polo, that is to say, 
northern China. The vague terms in which geogra- 
phical information was published in the middle ages, 
had engendered a signal and very momentous mistake. 
The Cathay of the early travellers was supposed to 
lie very much further to the north-east than it really 
does, and densely populated kingdoms were thought 
to exist in the extreme north-east of Asia, where only 
some dreary Kamtchadalian village breaks the soli- 
tude of a hundred miles of snow. The Cathay towards 
which the Cabots, Verazzano, Willoughby, Frobisher, 
Barentz, and Hudson directed their efforts was an 
imaginary country, without any real existence. It 
is worthy of notice, that the Cabots were thought to 
have reached that far famed coast. The existence of 
a continent between Europe and Asia had thus either 
not yet been understood, or, at least, not yet been 
publicly acknowledged by them in the year 1497. 

On the other hand, it is only fair to observe that 
the discovery of the new continent, as a real though 
not yet as an acknowledged fact, must be numbered 
among the results of the 1497 expedition, unless we 
are inclined to attribute it to the doubtful one of 
1494. It is impossible to sail, as the Cabots did, 
three hundred leagues along the coast of any part of 
North America, north of the tropics, without falling 
in with the terra firma. The vexed question, wlie- 
ther Newfoundland or Labrador was the first land 


touched by the Cabots, becomes, therefore, entirely 
unavailing, as regards the first discovery of the main- 
land of America, which discovery belongs to the 
Cabots beyond all doubt and cavil. The controversy 
that has been carried on with much zeal and some 
unfairness between the partisans of Columbus and 
those of John and Sebastian Cabot, may, therefore, 
at last be set at rest. And this is the more desirable, 
as the dispute is utterly at variance wdth the view^s 
of those great men. No one was readier than Sebas- 
tian Cabot to acknowledge the real and immortal 
merit of Columbus, namely, that of having first 
crossed the Atlantic Ocean. Neither Columbus nor 
Cabot claimed the discovery of America. Colum- 
bus never recognised that a new continent had been 
found, and supposed his own explorations to lie 
among the islands of Japan. Cabot did discover 
America, and did recognise the existence of a new 
continent; but he only considered it as a hateful bar- 
rier, which he made lifelong efibrts to break through. 
For that is the aim of his voyages in search of a 
north-w^estern and of a western passage to Asia. 

It seems not to have struck any one of the numer- 
ous writers on this topic, that the search for a passage 
through the new continent is an obvious acknow- 
ledgment of its existence. It involves the scientific 
discovery of the New World. This merit belongs to 
Sebastian Cabot. He was the first to recognize that 
a new and unknown continent was lying, as one vast 
barrier, between Western Europe and Eastern Asia. 

Sebastian Cabot's expedition in the year 1498 was 


the first voyage in search of a north-west passage. 
It was performed by Sebastian alone, without the 
companionship of his father.^ We possess a certain 
number of contemporary accounts of this expedition ; 
but all of them very short, and written by men un- 
acquainted with the localities. The fact of the 
search for a passage, and some minor details of the 
expedition, are thus rendered perfectly certain, whilst 
the locality where the search was first made remains 

The following are the ascertained facts. King 
Henry VII took an active interest in the expedition, 
granted a new charter for it, contributed towards its 
expenses, and was to share in its gains. Cabot was 
the commander of a small squadron, some Bristol 
merchants having joined him, and he had three hun- 
dred men under his orders. He sailed from England 
about the beginning of May 1498, and directed his 
course towards North America by way of Iceland. 
He then attempted the search for a north-western 
passage ; and having failed in finding it, went south- 
ward along the North American coast down to 38° N. 

Sebastian Cabot afterwards undertook another voy- 
age in search of a north-west passage, at Henry VlH's 
expense, either in 1516 or in 1517. The failure of 
that expedition is ascribed to the faint-hcartedness of 
Cabot's companion, Sir Thomas Perthe. The records 
of these two voyages are so mixed up, that it is im- 
possible to make out what belongs to the one, what 

' John Cabot is therefore supposed to have died in 1497 or 1498, 
a conclusion which is by no means necessary. 


to the other. It is, however, tolerably certain that 
Cabot discovered the two straits, one of which now 
bears Davis's, the other Hudson's name. The west 
coast of Davis's strait up to 67° 30' is figured on 
Cabot's great planisphere of 1544.^ The opening of 
Pludson's strait seems to be indicated on the same 
map. This strait is besides so minutely described 
from one of Cabot's charts by Ilichard Willes, that 
we cannot for a moment hesitate to attribute that 
discovery to the originator of the search for a north- 
western passage. The following are Willes' words. 

" You may read in his card, drawn with his own hand, 
that the mouth of die Nordi Western Straight lieth near the 
ol8 meridian (60 Greenwich) between 61 and 64 degrees in 
the elevation, continuing the same breadth about ten degrees 
west, where it openeth southerly more and more." 

Sebastian Cabot has, therefore, the merit of having 
not only started an idea wdiich has occupied the 
efforts of more than three centuries ; but of having 
also indicated the only possible roads for carrying it 
out. To do more was beyond the means which 
his time afforded.- 

Sebastian Cabot started in his old age another 
idea, which has become almost equally momentous 

1 This fact puts an end to the controversy, as to whether Cabot 
did or did not reach that high latitude. The observation itself is 
due to Mr. D'Avezac, the eminent French geographer, who was 
kind enough to communicate it to the writer of the present pages 
a few years ago, when examining with him the planisphere of 
Sebastian Cabot in the Paris library. 

^ See note B, at the end of the introduction, for a statement of 
the sources from which the account of the Cabots has been drawn, 



in the history of arctic discovery — the search for a 
north-eastern route to China. More than half a 
century ehapsecl between the origin of the first and 
that of the second scheme. For the present we 
confine ourselves to the history of the search for a 
north-western passage down to Hudson's time, and 
shall afterwards take up the history of that north 
eastern route. 

The early expeditions in search of a north-western 
passage may be divided into two distinct epochs. 
The aim was identical in both ; but the methods 
were difi'erent. All the early navigators who sought 
for a passage through the new continent wished to 
break through the unwelcome barrier between the 
west of Europe and Cathay, and thus to reach Asia 
by a short road. The diff'erence between the two 
epochs consists in the amount of knowledge of the real 
nature of that barrier, which the one and the other 
possessed. The first attempts may, perhaps, be likened 
to a blind rush at an obstacle, the extent and diffi- 
culties of which were not yet understood. These at- 
tempts ended in despair, and in a temporary aban- 
donment of the grand scheme. But they also brought 
about incidentally, and ahnost to the regret of those 
who made them, extensive explorations of the ob- 
stacle which would not yield to their efforts ; that 
is to say, of the New World. Some unexpected 
advantages were also discovered, and led to a regular 
intercourse with the shores of North America, and 
by means of these voyages a more accurate know- 
ledge of the North American coasts was obtained. 


The systems of geographical criticism were at the 
same time developed, the various scraps of informa- 
tion were collected, confronted and arranged by indus- 
trious scholars, and an immense progress was made in 
geographical science. The explorers of the second 
epoch, Frobisher, Davis, Weymouth, Hudson, and 
his successors, had the labours of Mercator, Ortelius 
and of other geographers to guide them. They had 
the means of knowing the real shape of America, at 
least in all its principal features, and had thus a 
sound basis for their efforts, and a more confined 
space towards which to direct them ; whilst, to their 
early predecessors, the very existence of a New 
World was a startling and unexpected fact. This is 
the reason for the vaguer aims of one class, and for 
the more distinct aims of another class of hardy ma- 
riners, both of whom deserve in an equal degree our 
admiration and our gratitude. 

The search for a short route from Western Europe 
to China, belonged naturally to those European 
states that would most profit by its being discovered; 
namely, to those bordering on the Atlantic Ocean, to 
England, France, Spain, and Portugal. Each of 
these kingdoms took a share in the search for a pas- 
sage, but the French, Spaniards, and Portuguese 
only during the first epoch. It is one of the glories 
of England to have alone persevered in this great 

The Portuguese were the first nation that followed 
in Sebastian Cabot's footsteps. Within four years 
after his expedition of 1498, two Portuguese voyages 


to the north-west took place, both under the evident 
influence of the impulse given by him. Tlie disco- 
veries made by the Cabots in 1497 and 1498 seem to 
have engendered a vague report that a terra nova^ 
a land not to be found on maps and charts, existed 
somewhere in the north-west. Gaspar de Cortereal, 
a Portuguese gentlemen of high standing, set out in 
search of that land towards the end of the year 1500. 
He returned to Lisbon in October, 1501. But little 
satisfied with the result of his expedition, he returned 
again to the North American shores, where he at last 
met his death. He seems to have been the first of 
those who were led by the appearance of the mouth 
of the St. Lawrence river, to mistake it for a passage 
to the Eastern^ Ocean. Nothing could be more natural 
for a man who approached it without previous know- 
ledge. The mouth of the St. Lawrence is nearly one 
hundred miles wide, and in spite of the great quan- 
tity of fresh water which it conveys to tlie sea, it is 
almost as much to be called an estuary as the mouth 
of the Thames. Cortereal's explorations, as far as 
they can be ascertained from a few vague fragments 
of intelligence, embrace the mouth of the St. Law- 
rence, the gulf into which the river falls, with some 
of the islands within it, and part of the eastern shore 
of Newfoundland. 

Tlie other Portuguese undertaking is in itself less 
important than Oortereal's voyage : it is, however, a 
curious event. Three Portuguese gentlemen formed 
an association for an expedition to the north-west 

^ Tlie Pacific is called the Katitcni Ocean, h\ Vciaz/.anu. 


with some Bristol merchants, probably former com- 
panions of Cabot. If such was really their character, 
they were guilty of much selfishness and ingratitude, 
which vices were authorized and more than equalled 
by their king, Henry VII, who granted away to them 
the very same advantages that had been reserved to 
the Cabots. The document which illustrates this 
disgraceful transaction is the ©nly remaining record 
of the association. This document is as vague as it 
is fulsome. It appears from it that the associates had 
a very indistinct idea of the purpose of Sebastian 
Cabot, that they wished to follow it up, and that the 
king authorized them thus to rob the noble adven- 
turer of his reward. It is not certain whether an 
expedition took place or not. Mr. Biddle, the in- 
genious scholar who has devoted his energies to the 
investigation of Sebastian Cabot's career, thinks that 
the associates did send out a ship, which brought 
home some savages. The question is one of but 
little interest for our purpose. ^ 

Both these expeditions, and chiefly that of Cor- 
tereal, are, however, much more important from their 
influence than by their immediate results. The earli- 
est Portuguese navigators to the north-west seem to 
have been forcibly struck by the abundance of cod 
fish in these regions, a fact already noticed by the 
Cabots. The Portuguese, then perhaps the most 
active of maritime nations, soon availed themselves 
of this advantage : they sent frequent, probably 

^ For these two expeditions, see note C, at tlic end of the intro- 


annual, expeditions to the fisheries of Newfoundland. 
To facilitate these, they were of course obliged to 
acquire some knowledge of the coasts to which they 
repaired ; and, step by step, as they had wended their 
way along the shores of Africa, they now explored 
the cheerless regions of the north-west. These 
unpretending efforts have, unfortunately, not been 
chronicled, their only trace being found on ancient 
charts. As far as this evidence, and that of some 
summaries in the early maritime chronicles, goes, we 
are led to think that the more important results were 
obtained only in course of time. We shall therefore 
revert to them at a future page of this inquiry. 

The nation that first followed in the wake of the 
Portuguese was the French. The fishing popula- 
tions on the coast of Brittany and Normandy, hailing 
the prospect of a new opening for their industry, 
directed their course towards Newfoundland, where 
they made extensive explorations, and established 
themselves, like their predecessors, as regular visitors. 
The Basques round the Bay of Biscay, who were 
accustomed to catch thousands of small whales in 
their waters, also took part in the advantageous 
traffic. These voyages, from diff"erent parts of what 
is now the empire of France, began in 150 J:, and 
seem to have continued throughout the sixteenth 
century. It is not clearly stated in the fragmentary 
records of these voyages, but is fiir from improbable, 
that some of them joined the idea of searching for a 
short way to China to the more practical purpose of 
fishing for cod. Certain it is, that some of the ear- 


liest of the French mariners explored the mouth of the 
St. Lawrence ; perhaps, like Cortereal, deceived by 
its appearance into the belief that it might be an 
arm of the sea leading into the Pacific Ocean, ^ 

The first French voyage which is plainly recorded 
to have had the search of a passage for its object, is 
the celebrated one of Verazzano. What Cadamosto 
had done for Portugal, Columbus for Spain, John 
Cabot for England, that Verazzano did for France. 
He helped, like his three illustrious countrymen, to 
transfer the sovereignty of the seas from the shores 
of the Mediterranean to the kingdoms that border 
the Atlantic Ocean. Verazzano w^as entrusted by 
Francis I of France with the command of a squadron 
of four vessels. Of these he lost two in a gale, and 
was obliged to put with the remaining ones into a 
harbour on the coast of Brittany. Having refitted 
them, he went out again, directing his course to the 
south, till he reached the Azores. There he a^ain 
parted from one of his two vessels, keeping only one, 
the Dolphin. This is the craft in which he performed 
his celebrated voyage. He started on the ITtli of 
January, 1524, from a lonely rock near the island of 

Fie has himself stated the purpose of his voyage. 
" My intention was," says he, " to reach Cathay, on 
the extreme coast of Asia, expecting, however, to 
find in the newly discovered land some such obstacle 
as it has proved to be, yet did not doubt that I should 
penetrate by some passage to the eastern ocean." 

^ Note D, at the end of the hitroduction. 


The geography of the New World had already 
made much progress in the quarter of a century 
which elapsed between John Cabot's first voyage and 
that undertaken by Verazzano. Verazzano was aware 
that he would find a line of coast, nearly, if not entirely 
unbroken ; extending through 120 degrees of latitude, 
from 66° north to 54° south. By confronting all the 
available pieces of information he had even arrived 
at the exaggerated conclusion, that America was of 
as large extent as Europe, Africa, and Asia taken 
together. Still he hoped to find a passage through 
this mighty mass of land, and to reach Cathay in his 
vessel. His hope, which almost amounted to a con- 
viction, may be traced back to a singular illusion, 
common to all the followers of Sebastian Cabot, 
which forms a characteristic feature in the history of 
the search for a north-west passage. 

"We have already had occasion to observe that the 
first acknowledgment of the existence of a new con- 
tinent, made by any European geographer, consists 
in the attempt of Sebastian Cabot to break through 
this terra nova. The consciousness that a new conti- 
nent existed, and the wish to find a passage by 
which it miglit be traversed, thus, like twin brothers, 
owed their origin to the same birth. These two 
ideas were at their beginning so closely entwined, 
that they have never since been separated. It became 
at once, and through all the succeeding development 
of the geography of America, it has always remained 
accepted as an axiom, that a passage through this 
continent existed. The question which science and 


enterprise strove to resolve was not tvhethcr but ivhere 
that passage was to be found. All the successors of 
Sebastian Cabot acted, under this conviction, a con- 
viction which has greatly contributed in producing 
that wonderful perseverance with which this great 
undertaking has been followed up through so many 
centuries, till it has at last, in our days, been crowned 
with success. 

It was thus Verazzano's purpose to ascertain ivhere 
the passage to Cathay might be. He, like Cabot, and 
like the Portuguese and French seamen, sought it in 
the north-west, but began his search somewhat fur- 
ther to the south than they had done. He crossed 
the Atlantic in one of its broadest parts, by an almost 
due westerly course, which was but slightly deflected 
to the north ; so that the land which he first fell in 
with was under 34°, being part of the coast of 
Carolina. There he arrived early in March 1524. He 
then ascended the coast, spying out for a passage ; 
and thus he reached the mouth of Hudson's river 
probably at the end of March, or in the beginning of 
April. He entered this natural harbour, was struck 
by its capacities, and by the beauty of the surrounding 
scenery ; but was compelled by a sudden squall to 
leave it in haste. Soon afterwards he entered Narra- 
ganset Bay (Rhode Island), where he tarried for some 
time, holding intercourse with the natives, and ex- 
ploring the country. Thence he started again, sail- 
ing further to the north. He did not enter the 
mouth of the St. Lawrence, the nature of which was 


probably known to liim from the reports of French 
sailors ; but steered along the east coast of New- 
foundland, up to its most northern point. He then 
returned to France. The whole voyage, from Madeira 
to America, then along the coast, and back to Dieppe, 
lasted but five months and a half ; several weeks of 
which time were spent in Narraganset Bay. 

Verazzano described his voyage in a letter to 
Francis I, king of France, dated Dieppe, July 1524. 
This letter is well known to the geographical student, 
from a version of it in Ramusio's collection of voy- 
ages, which has been translated by Hakluyt, and 
inserted both into the Divers Voyages and into his 
greater and more celebrated work. But Ramusio has 
printed not a faithful copy, but a version of his own. 
He has embellished and corrected the style of the 
rough sailor, and thus given the whole piece a new 
and factitious colouring. He has besides suppressed 
a very important cosmographical appendix, which 
throws considerable light, not only on Verazzano's 
plans, but also on the history of the geography of the 
New World, and on that of the search for a north- 
west passage. These have been the reasons for our 
inserting the original letter in the present volume. 
The above summary is taken partly from the account 
of the voyage itself, partly from the appendix, as 
reference to these papers will show. 

The period when the Spanish expeditions to the 
north-west began is not quite certain. Projects of 
this kind were entertained by the Spanish court as 
early as the year 1500. The following passage of 


Navarrete contains all that we have been able to find 
on the subject : — 

On the 6th of May, 1500, Ferdinand and Isabella wrote 
from Seville, that Juan Dorvelos, or Dornelos, should come 
to court or depute a person, with whom they might agree 
upon the best means for a voyage of discovery ; and we may 
conjecture (says Navarrete), that the plan Avas to survey the 
seas which Sebastian Cabot had just discovered. Better 
authenticated, however, is the agreement or contract con- 
cluded in October, 1511, with Juan de Agramonte, a native 
of Lerida, for the discovery of the seas of Newfoundland 
f Terra Nova J. He was made captain for this expedition, 
which was to be undertaken in two Spanish ships, with 
Spanish sailors ; except two pilots, who might be from 
Brittany or some other country, and should be acquainted 
with those seas and coasts. We do not know the result of 
this expedition, which is not mentioned by our historians. 

It is also stated, by a doubtful authority, that a Span- 
iard named Velasco accompanied Aubry, the French 
seaman who first explored the mouth of the St. Law- 
rence, in 1508. Certain it is, however, that the wish to 
find a passage through the new continent occupied the 
minds of the Spaniards at a very early date. It is a 
well known fact that Columbus' expedition to the west 
was, like that of Cabot, originally intended to reach 
Asia. Columbus, however, believed that the West 
India Islands which he had found were identical 
with the Zipangu of Marco Polo, that is to say with 
Japan ; and he was thus induced to think that he 
had achieved his purpose of reaching Asia. Soon, 
however, it dawned on the Spaniards, as well as on 
the rest of Europe, that the West Indies were not 


Japan; that Central America was not China; and 
that to reach Asia by a westerly route, an unexpected 
obstacle had to be overcome. The Spaniards devoted 
themselves to this new task with the obstinate energy 
that characterized them in those days, and they made 
numerous expeditions both by sea and by land, to 
find a passage through Central America, but always 
without result. This want of success doubled their 
eager desire. The search for a passage became more 
and more a national concern, in which both Charles 
V, and Ferdinand Cortez, his great lieutenant, took a 
most lively interest. A new direction was given to 
their efforts by a false rumour, that some other nation 
had found the passage and were keeping it secret. 
This rumour gained ground at the same time in Spain, 
and in its American colonies; as is clearly proved by 
contemporary evidence ; and especially by one of the 
most important geographical documents of the six- 
teenth century. 

The document we allude to is the celebrated 
Rclatio Quarta of Ferdinand Cortez, one of the re- 
ports which he addressed to the emperor Charles V. 
It is dated Temixtitan (Mexico), October 18th, 1524, 
and treats of all the various subjects of local admi- 
nistration on which the viceroy could be expected to 
address his sovereign. Mention is repeatedly made 
of the search for a passage, of Cortez' various efforts 
in that direction, and of their want of the desired 
result. One entire chapter of the report is devoted 
to the discussion of a project, from the execution of 
which Cortez not unreasonably expected the solution 


of the whole question. According to a rumour, in 
■which Cortez professes his full belief, a passage lead- 
ing out of the river Panuco, then trending to the 
north, through Florida, and reaching the Pacific 
Ocean in the latitude of the Baccalaos, had been 
found by some other nation, and was kept a pro- 
found secret. Cortez states his intention to send 
out two expeditions, the one on the Atlantic (Mar 
del Norte), the other on the Pacific (Mar del Zur), 
to search along the whole coast, from the straits of 
Magellan up to the Baccalaos, till they fell in wiih 
the passage. The plan seems never to have been 
acted upon, at least in its original shape. Most of its 
suggestions were afterwards carried out by the Span- 
iards, but in isolated efforts, and without that energy 
which would have marked any enterprise of such 
a man as Ferdinand Cortez. The reason for his drop- 
ping the scheme was simply the want of money. 

The same rumour which reached Cortez about the 
year 1524, had in 1523, or before that year, reached 
Charles V. " Several geographers," says Herrera, 
" had assured the king that it would be easy to dis- 
cover eastern Cathay by a strait between the Atlan- 
tic and Pacific ;" and from an observation of Peter 
Martyr, we learn, that this imaginary strait, like the 
imaginary one of Ferdinand Cortez, was supposed to 
be situated between Florida and Baccalaos. In order 
to understand the events which followed from this ru- 
mour, it is desirable to explain what it referred to and 
how it had arisen. This can be done approximately, 
though not with the clearness which might be wished 


for. Florida and Baccalaos were both vague terms. 
The former of them served as a summary designation 
for the then almost unknown countries of the North 
American mainland, immediately to the north of the 
Spanish possessions. Boundary lines are not to be 
found in the early maps of America, and it is impos- 
sible to state where the northern frontier of Florida 
might have been thought to be. All we can say is 
that the term is seldom, if at all, used for tracts 
north of 40°. Baccalaos originally means codfish. As 
a geographical designation it was applied to the fish- 
ing stations along the northern shores, which alone 
gave these regions any importance in the eyes of 
Europeans. Baccalaos, as a geographical term, is of a 
still vaguer nature than that of Florida, and may in 
its widest meaning be said to embrace the coasts from 
57° down to 45° N. It is, however, in hardly any case 
used for any part south of Newfoundland, 48° being 
in some old geographies expressly mentioned as the 
southern limit. Under these circumstances it hardly 
allows of a doubt that the rumour of a strait between 
Baccalaos and Florida, which circulated both in Spain 
and in Mexico, had originated in the vain hopes for a 
passage, which the deceptive appearance of the mouth 
of the St. Lawrence afforded to the early explorers. 
It was in conformity with the ideas and habits of 
those times, that a man's or nation's most positive 
assertions of want of success in such an endeavour 
would be the most powerful means of convincing 
others that they had been successful, but desired to 
keep for themselves all the advantages of an import- 
ant secret. 


One of those who insisted most strongly on the 
possibility of finding a strait between Baccalaos and 
Florida, was Estevan Gomez, a Portuguese pilot in 
the Spanish service, who had been one of the com- 
panions of Magellan, and had gained an unenviable 
notoriety by the mutinous spirit shown by him during 
the voyage of the Victoria. Gomez, however, enjoyed a 
good reputation for nautical skill and cosmographical 
acquirements. He was one of the scientific authorities 
present at the congress of Badajos and Gelves,^ which 
met in 152-i to settle the line of demarcation be- 
tween the Spanish and Portuguese claims to the 
newly discovered regions. He must, therefore, have 
been considered one of the most distinguished cosmo- 
graphers of the age. Modern historians seem to be 
disposed to hold Gomez in less high estimation than 
his contemporaries did. In this respect, they are 
influenced by a passage in the eighth decade of 
Peter Martyr's work De Orhe Novo ; where Gomez' 
endeavours are spoken of in a sneering and contemp- 
tuous manner. But they fail to observe that there is 
a singular change of language to be observed even in 
Peter Martyr. In his sixth decade he speaks of 
Gomez as artts maritimce peritus ; whilst in the last 
decade he says of him, Inanes hujiis honi hominis fore 
cogitationes existimavi semper et prmposui. So difi"erently 
did the historian judge of the Portuguese pilot 
before, and after he had become acquainted with the 
details of his project. To explain this change, we 

1 The seamen and geographers who attended the congress had 
personally no voice in the decision, but acted as referees. 


shall have recourse to the suggestions of Mr. Biddle, 
the ingenious scholar, who has clone so much to clear 
up the dark points in Sebastian Cabot's career. Peter 
Martyr was a friend of Cabot, and he may very natur- 
ally have considered Gomez' new scheme as an insult 
offered to the great navigator, who had in the year 1498 
in vain sought for a passage in the locality where the 
Portuguese pilot was confident to discover it. Howso- 
ever this may be, Peter Martyr's prejudice has to a 
very considerable extent affected Gomez' fame ; so 
much so, indeed, that most of the early historians 
have repeated Peter Martyr's sneers, whilst the 
modern writers have, without a single exception, 
either omitted Gomez' name from their books or 
treated his labours with contempt. This treatment is 
entirely undeserved. Gomez ought to occupy a 
high place among early explorers, and one of the 
first among the men connected with the regions 
with which Hudson's name is associated. He went 
over much of the ground that Verazzano had ex- 
plored a few months before him. Both have left 
charts of their explorations ; and that of the Portu- 
guese pilot is infinitely superior to that of the Ita- 
lian seaman. Verazzano's chart has been preserved 
merely as a kind of geograpliical curiosity ; whilst 
that of Gomez has served as the basis for the deli- 
neation of the coasts of Maryland, New Jersey, New 
York, and Rhode Island, on nearly all the maps of 
the sixteenth, and on some of the seventeenth cen- 
tury. The charts which Hudson himself must have 
used when exploring the river which bears liis name, 


contained the mouth of that river and the neighbour- 
ing parts laid down from Estevan Gomez's survey. 

The expedition of Estevan Gomez has not been 
described by any modern author. This is not from 
want of materials ; for w^e know as much of him as 
of any early navigators wdio have not left us their 
own journals. 

The following are the principal facts to be gathered 
from the maritime chronicles of the sixteenth cen- 
tury. Estevan Gomez made his offer to find the 
passage in the year 1523. In the following year, 
1524, he was attending the congress of Badajoz. 
Sebastian Cabot, who had twice been in the service 
of England, and had twice left it in disgust, was at 
that time the pilot-major of Spain, and was also 
present at the congress. Some kind of discussion of 
Gomez's plan, must therefore unavoidably have taken 
place between these two navigators. But we find 
no trace of Cabot's having either advocated or op- 
posed the plan ; and we are inclined to believe that 
he communicated his private thoughts only to such 
friends as Peter Martyr. We find it stated that 
Cabot held out, about this time, great hopes of new 
discoveries among, or near the Spice Islands ; and 
that this consideration contributed to render Charles 
V favourable to Gomez's proposals. There were on 
the other hand two strong reasons for hesitating. 
First, the opposition of Peter Martyr, who was a 
much respected and very influential member of the 
council of the Indies ; and secondly the entreaties of 
the king of Portugal, that the expedition might not 


take place. The conference of Badajoz had been held 
principally for the sake of settling, between Spain 
and Portugal, the question of the rival claims to the 
Spice Islands. The king of Portugal seems to have 
thought, that if a short way to those islands were 
found by Spain, the temptation would be irresistible ; 
a speculation in which he was perhaps not far wrong. 
These difficulties having at last been overcome, 
Gomez was, towards the end of the year 1524, pro- 
vided with a small caravel of fifty tons burden, fitted 
out partly at the expense of the king, partly at that of 
some merchants. Provision was made with regard to 
the possible profits of the enterprise ; any trespass on 
the king of Portugal's dominions was forbidden ; and 
some other arrangements being made, Gomez then 
started. He intended to conduct his search not from 
south to north, as the Spaniards in Central America 
had been obliged to do ; but from north to south. 
Where he began it, is not certain. According to 
Oviedo's extracts from an official report on this voy- 
age, Gomez stated that he had made extensive 
explorations in latitudes 41° and 40°, had become 
acquainted with the nature of the country, and held 
intercourse with the natives. Of these he kidnapped 
as many as his ship would hold ; considering them 
as a good prize, on account of their fine stature. 
Other navigators had done so before him ; and the 
Spaniards at home seem by tliat time to have been so 
well acquainted with the general appearance of the 
Indians, that they were able to give an opinion on the 
comparatively fine proportions of those whom Gomez 


brought. The chroniclers say that Gomez acted 
against the emperor's orders. But that monarch 
seems not to have been very indignant ; and the 
chroniclers cannot refrain from telling, as a very 
ludicrous affair, a mistake to which this human 
cargo gave rise. It was reported that Gomez had 
brought clavos (cloves) ; that is to say, he had reached 
the Spice Islands by a north-west passage, whilst he 
had only brought esclavos (slaves). Gomez spoke 
with much enthusiasm of the country which he had 
visited ; and seems to have been fully alive to its 
natural beauties. Continuing his southern course, 
he at last reached the West Indies ; and thence he 
sailed home, arriving in Spain ten months after he 
had left it. 

Gomez drew, as we have mentioned, an outline of 
the coast which he had explored. This outline has 
been preserved ; but not in its original shape. It has 
been embodied into the celebrated planisphere of 
Juan Ribero, geographer to Charles V. This memo- 
rable work was composed shortly after the congress 
of Badajoz, to which we have referred, and of which 
Ribero was a member. There the most illustrious 
geographers of Spain and Portugal met, to settle the 
disputes between the two countries that had arisen 
out of Pope Alexander's famous grant. The outline 
of America was there fixed for the first time, from 
the discoveries of both nations. Ribero's chart, which 
was composed in 1529, (five years after the congress), 
is not, however, entirely based on materials obtained 
there ; but embraces some more recent discoveries ; 


such as those of Estevan Gomez. The tract of coast 
which now belongs to the states of Maryland, New 
Jersey, New York, and Rhode Island, is on Ribero's 
chart called the land of Estevan Gomez. But the chart 
does not do full justice to the Portuguese pilot. We 
learn from the above-mentioned report, that Gomez 
very correctly placed his discoveries under 40" and 
41° N. This is fully borne out by the localities., the 
discovery of which, Ribcro ascribes to him ; but the 
latitudes in which Ribero places them, are erroneous 
by several degrees. This fault therefore belongs 
entirely to Ribero, and in no way to Gomez. The 
geographer who had to collect and arrange many 
discordant data, seems to have been influenced by a 
feeling similar to that of Peter Martyr ; and to have 
sacrificed the Portuguese pilot to some other ex- 
plorers of less accuracy, but better repute. It is to 
be hoped that, in dealing thus unfairly with Gomez, 
Ribero has confined himself to placing the coast-line 
two degrees two high, without otherwise altering it. 
But for aught we know to the contrary, he may have 
introduced other alterations, to produce the harmony 
lequired in a general map. 

Under these circumstances, it becomes extremely 
diflficult to answer the question which presents itself 
so naturally to our minds : Did Gomez explore the 
mouth of Hudson's river X Even the most reliable maps 
of those days, will give no answer to minute historical 
questions. We cannot obtain certainties from them, 
and must be satisfied with probabilities. As far as these 
])robabilitics go, we must state it as our conviction, 


that Gomez did explore the mouths of the Hudson. 
He has drawn several rivers, and one of them, with 
some islands in its wide mouth, is so placed as to 
correspond with the Hudson. This conviction is 
shared by Sprengel, the learned German geographer, 
whose commentary on Ribero's chart has proved of 
great assistance in this inquiry. " The great river" 
says Sprengcl, " in the neighbourhood of the cape De 
Muclias Islas, seems to be Hudson's river". It was, be- 
sides, Gomez's object to search closely along the whole 
shore, for an opening that might lead to the west ; 
and during the ten months of his voyage, he had 
ample time to become acquainted, in all its parts, with 
the easily accessible, and not very extensive, line of 
coast along which his explorations lay. But whether 
Gomez did, or did not, enter Hudson's river, it is cer- 
tain that the later Spanish seamen who followed in 
his track in after years, were familiar with the river, 
and called it Rio de Gamas ; as we shall presently 
have occasion to observe. 

To conclude our observations on Gomez's voyage 
we must answer another question which also presents 
itself very naturally to the mind. Verazzano and 
Gomez went within a few months of each other over 
precisely the same ground. Did any connection 
exist between the two voyages ] As far as the mere 
time goes, this would be very probable ; because 
Gomez started several months after Verazzano's re- 
turn. But all the other circumstances exclude the 
supposition. France and Spain were at war, and no 
friendly communication can therefore be supposed to 


have existed between them. Besides, had Gomez 
known that Verazzano liad searched those same parts 
in vain, he would not have been so unwise as to 
expose himself to the sneers which he incurred by 
his failure. 

Gomez's voyage is the last one in search of a pas- 
sage undertaken on the eastern side of America by 
any other nation than the English. The two con- 
cluding voyages of the first epoch, and all those of 
later times, were performed by the English alone. 

In the years 1523 to 1527 there seems to have 
been a general stir in this north-westerly direction. 
We have spoken of Verazzano, of the rumours that 
assailed Charles V, of Cortez's plans, of Gomez' 
voyage, and we shall have still further to notice some 
other movements of the Spaniards. The English, the 
nation whose ships had first through storm and ice 
sought for a passage, were not slow in following 
this general impulse. Two different symptoms show 
themselves in the same year 1527. The first is a 
letter and a discourse which Robert Thorne, the son 
of one of Cabot's early companions, addressed to 
Henry VIII, trying to persuade him to engage again 
in the search for a short northern route to China. 
Thorne has the merit of having started an entirely 
new scheme, which has been acted upon only by a 
few bold mariners, among whom was Henry Hudson, 
— namely, that of sailing right across the North Pole. 
This ingenious plan, and the arguments by which 
Thome supports his theories, render his discourse a 
highly curious document. 


At the very time when this letter was written, 
Henry VIII was ah'eady interested in a north-west- 
ern expedition. Two vessels, the Samson and Mary of 
Guildford^ had been fitted out at the joint expense of 
the king and some private persons. These vessels 
sailed in May, 1527. They accomplished nothing, 
and one of them was probably lost. A remarkable 
circumstance is connected with the expedition. Ve- 


razzano seems to have been their pilot, and to have 
lost his life in an encounter with the North American 

The last expedition of the first epoch happened 
nearly ten years afterwards, in 1536. It is very 
characteristically English. When the search for a 
passage had been given up by every one else, a 
lawyer, who had dabbled in cosmography, one Master 
Hore, took it up ; and persuaded a number of young 
gentlemen of good family, most of them members of 
the inns of court, to join him in a north-western 
voyage. The consequences of this freak were even 
more distressing than might naturally have been ex- 
pected. The ship's company were reduced to the ex- 
tremes of famine, and several persons among them went 
so far as to assassinate their companions, and then to 
commit some of the very few acts of cannibalism that 
have ever been proved against Europeans. The voyagers 
then escaped certain death by a daring act of piracy, 
from the consequences of which these well- connected 
gentlemen were afterwards protected by the king's 
munificent benevolence. Thus ends the first epoch 
of the search for a north-west passage. Forty years 
elapsed before the undertaking was resumed. 


Before we enter upon that second epoch, we mnst 
first speak of some collateral events that occurred in 
the interval of forty years, and most of which are 
bearing upon the later efforts in search of a passage, 
whilst all of them exercised a more or less direct in- 
fluence on Hudson's doings. 

The Portuguese, the French, and the Spaniards, 
the three nations that had followed in the track of 
Cabot and of his English companions, and had thus 
arrived at the northern shores of America in search 
of a passage to Asia, did not by any means abandon 
the newly explored regions when they gave up the 
first purpose by which they had been led towards 
them. Each of the three nations continued in its 
own manner the traffic and the explorations which it 
had begun. 

The Portuguese continued their surveys of the 
northern coasts ; most likely for no other purpose 
than to discover advantageous fisheries. They seem 
to have advanced slowly, step by step, first along the 
shores of Newfoundland, then up to the mouth of 
Hudson's Strait, then through that Strait ; and at 
last into Hudson's Bay. With a certain number of 
ancient maps, ranging from 1529 to 1570 before us, 
we can trace this progress step by step. In 1544, 
the Portuguese seem not yet to have reached the 
mouth of Hudson's Strait ; in 1558, their geo- 
graphical knowledge extends beyond the mouth of 
the Strait; and in 1570, they have reached the Bay. 
Our authorities for all this, are ancient geographical 
delineations, a source which is sometimes deceptive 


when used as historical evidence. A map or chart, 
the lines of which agree sufficiently with the real 
shape of the parts laid down in it, is, of course, the 
best possible proof of those coasts having been 
discovered before the chart was drawn. But when, 
on the other hand, we conclude from the silence of 
even an excellent map, that any part not drawn, or 
badly drawn on it had not yet been discovered, we 
may be led entirely wrong. Much geographical 
intelligence was in those days purposely kept secret, 
and many discoveries may also, by chance, have 
escaped the attention of the very geographer whose 
w^orks we may be using. This is indeed so natural, 
that it occurs quite commonly at the present day. 
None, perhaps, of our own delineations of distant 
parts, are entirely based upon the very best surveys 
that might have been made use of. With regard to 
the sixteenth century, it is certain that even illus- 
trious geographers sometimes overlooked the dis- 
covery of wide regions, the surveys of which were in 
their reach. We can, therefore, state with the 
greatest certainty, that Hudson's Bay had been dis- 
covered before the publication of Ortelius's atlas, 
which took place in 1570 ; but we are not equally 
certain that the discovery falls within the years 1558 
to 1570, because we have only the negative evidence 
of Diogo Homem's charts to support the latter asser- 
tion. The fact itself is, however, probable enough. 

We must take this opportunity of adverting to a 
singular historical misconception, which is to be found 


ill some of the most current and most respectable 
hand-books of general information ; and which may 
be traced back to the ill-directed efforts of an ingeni- 
ous mind. It is stated in Brockhaus' Conversations 
Lexicon, and copied into many of the cyclopaedias 
which place implicit trust in the integrity of that 
standard work, that Hudson's Bay was discovered by 
a Dane, named Anskoeld. Now this Dane Anskoeld 
is a myth, the origin of wdiich may be traced in the 
following manner. A Polish pilot, named Johannes 
Kolnus, or John of Kolno, was sent in 1476 by the 
kins: of Denmark and Norway on a north-western ex- 
pedition, to a country which Kolnus called Grocland, 
and which most likely was Groneland, that is to say, 
Greenland. Kolnus led out a number of emigrants, 
Danes, Swedes, and Norwegians, probably to restore 
the settlements in Greenland, to the entire or partial 
destruction of which, at the end of the fourteenth and 
in the beginning of the fifteenth century, various ad- 
verse circumstances had cooperated. The name of 
Johannes Kolnus, as well as the achievements of this 
Polish worthy, have been singularly disfigured by the 
geographers of the sixteenth century. Some make his 
Grocland into the most western of all tlie many Green- 
lands ; and as such it figures on Ortelius' map of the 
world, where it forms an island in latitude 80° north 
of Labrador. Sir Humphrey Gilbert places the dis- 
coveries ftirthcr south. The name is most frequently 
spelled Scolvus ; sometimes Scohnus. From this 
latter shape of the name, and from Sir Humphrey's 
account of the discoveries, tlic Dane Anskoeld of the 


Conversations Lexicon and his discovery of Hudson's 
Bay had been framed. 

The north-westerly voyages of the Spaniards during 
the interval of forty years, are more momentous even 
than those of the Portuguese. The Spaniards followed 
up the idea, indicated by Cortez in 1524, of search- 
ing for a passage through America ; not from east to 
west, but from west to east. For that purpose they 
sent out a whole series of expeditions, none of which, 
however, reached the high latitude where the north- 
west passage opens into the Pacific. The Spanish 
expeditions were thus, like the similar undertakings 
of other nations, failures as regards their main object. 
Important results, however, especially surveys of the 
western coasts up to 45°, were obtained by means of 
these voyages. On the eastern coast no more voy- 
ages in search of a passage were undertaken after the 
unsuccessful one of Estevan Gomez. Yet this ex- 
pedition was not allowed to remain without a result. 
The voyage of Estevan Gomez produced in Spain 
the same effect which those of the Cabots, of Cor- 
tereal, and of the men from Normandy and Brittany 
had produced in England, Portugal, and France — 
it conducted the Spaniards to the north-western 
fisheries. This, at least, is the conclusion which 
the accurate Navarrete draws from a stock of con- 
temporary evidence. The Spaniards now began to 
take a large share in this traffic, and to repair regu- 
larly to the shoals and sandbanks off Baccalaos. These 
new places of resort were at a moderate distance 
from their own American colonies. It is therefore 


but natural to imagine that the Spaniards some- 
times included both points in the same voyage. Ac- 
cording to the custom of that age they did not then 
sail boldly over the broad ocean, but went timidly 
along the coast. It was in those days one of the 
principal studies of geographers to point out con- 
venient stages, stations, and tracks for such sail- 
ing. This is the main purpose of the so called Riit- 
ters or routiers, regular guide books, which showed the 
distances from place to place, marked the convenient 
stations, described the entrances to rivers and har- 
bours. Many of these guide books are still in exist- 
ence ; and we learn from them that the Rio de Gamas, 
the name then regularly applied to the Hudson on the 
charts of the time, was one of these stages between 
Newfoundland and the colonies of central America. 
Nantucket Island also figures in some of these rutters 
under the name of the "Island of Juan Luis," or " Juan 
Fernandez," and is recommended as a most convenient 
stage for those who, coming from Europe, wish to 
proceed to the West Indies by way of the Ber- 

The French were yet more active than the Portu- 
guese and Spaniards. They pursued their fishing 
trade with such energy, that the Newfoundland 
fisheries, which had always been and still were com- 
mon ground for the whole civilized world, seemed to 
belong more specially to them. Most of the banks 
and stations received French names. The discovery 
of these regions, which was not then claimed by 
England on account of the voyages of the Cabots, 


was attributed entirely to the French. In the begin- 
ning of the seventeenth century that nation was 
loudly praised for its generosity in having allowed 
others to share in the Newfoundland fisheries. 

Even more remarkable, and conferring much higher 
honour on the French name, are the North American 
explorations they made during this period, and their 
attempts to colonize that vast region. Up to the 
time of Jaques Cartier, America had been visited 
and explored only by navigators who considered it 
as a barrier between Asia and Europe which they 
wished to force, or by greedy adventurers attracted 
by its riches. It is with the French that the idea 
arose of colonizing the fertile wilderness of the north- 
west without violence to its original inhabitants and 
owners. To our regret it does not belong to our 
province to dwell on these efforts. But it is only 
just to remark, that Cartier, Roberval, Coligny, and 
the men he sent out to prepare a home for his perse- 
cuted brethren, were, in liberality of ideas and in 
elevation of purpose, more than a century ahead of 
their contemporaries ; and that France may here well 
claim a title to which she has often pretended with 
much less right, namely, that of a pioneer in civiliza- 

In England the influence of the new discoveries, 
and of the consequent changes in the roads of trade, 
developed itself with remarkable slowness. Fifty 
years after the first transatlantic voyages no one 
would have imagined that this island would be 
the principal heir to the power and the riches 


which then crowned Europe with an entirely new 
glory, very different from the gloom of the preceding 
centuries. The prosperity, the freedom, and the self- 
reliance of the kingdom went on, however, steadily 
increasing. Then there came a time when those 
recent changes in the commerce of the world made 
themselves felt in a disastrous manner. Most of the 
English trade had always been in the hands of Ger- 
mans and Italians, the former of whom enjoyed 
exorbitant privileges, granted them at a period when 
it was politic to attract them to this country at any 
price. These privileges were still more extravagantly 
interpreted by them. The foreigners were insolent 
and proud. Yet all this was long borne as a neces- 
sary evil. But the new discoveries made the power 
both of the Hanse and of Italy decline. The Medi- 
terranean, the German Ocean, the Baltic, were no 
longer the seas of Europe, and with the transatlantic 
commerce rose the power of Spain, Portugal, and of 
the only one of the older commercial nations that 
maintained and even increased its medieval pro- 
sperity, namely, the Netherlands. Thus it happened 
that the advantages afforded to England by its con- 
nexion with the Hanse were no longer adequate to 
the sacrifices made for their sake. The English staple 
articles often remained unsold, or at least did not rise 
in value in due proportion to the general rise of 
prices. English shipowners now began to feel that 
they themselves could do better what the foreigners 
did so badly, and it required but an opportunity to 
shake off the liated yoke. The opportunity was offered 


to the nation by the return of Sebastian Cabot to this 
country in 1548. He had been for many years in the 
service of Charles V, as pilot-major of Spain, and had 
there, as elsewhere, met with the ingratitude which 
seems to be the eternal portion of the exile who 
bestows benefits on the country he makes his tem- 
porary home. 

His successful efforts to shake off the yoke of the 
Hanse Towns, and to rescue EngUsh commerce, form 
part of the history of the search for a north-east pas- 
sage. To that history a separate place in the present 
introduction has been assigned. AVe have here 
noticed these movements on account of their vast 
influence towards the renewing of the search for a 
north-west passage, and on the manner in wdiich it 
was conducted. 

The events we have alluded to seem to have so 
well prepared the minds for a resumption of the 
search for a north-west passage, that it is impossible to 
ascertain with whom the idea first arose. Three men, 
Frobisher, Gilbert, and Willes, entertained it simul- 
taneously. They had each been led to it by a course 
of similar reflections, based on all the events we have 
narrated ; and it does not appear that these three men 
had held any communication before each of them 
had matured the scheme. They were all encouraged 
by the experience in arctic navigation to which the 
search for a north-east passage and the establish- 
ment and operations of the Moscovia Company had 
led. They vvere all acquainted with the geographical 
labours of the age, based, as far as North America is 


concerned, on the explorations of the Cabots, of the 
Spaniards, the Portuguese, and the French. 

Three diiFerent illusions seem besides to have ex- 
ercised on their minds a much greater influence than 
all the truth that had come to light during the inter- 
val of forty years. The first illusion was based on a map 
of Clement Adams, an inaccurate copy of Sebastian 
Cabot's great planisphere; which copy, however, as far 
as its geographical information went, seems to have 
been generally considered as representing Sebastian 
Cabot's own work. We shall have to speak of this re- 
markable map. For the present it is sufficient to ob- 
serve, that Sebastian Cabot is there made to indicate a 
passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific, beginning in 
Hudson's Strait ; then leading off for a short space 
through about the same latitude; but soon verging to 
the south, so as to reach the Pacific in about 40° north. 
The second and the third delusions were of a similar 
nature. It seems to have been agreed among map 
makers that America must be an island ; that it 
could not possibly stretch across the pole, so as to 
join Asia ; and that, therefore, a north-west passage 
must exist somewhere. This vague idea is expressed, 
on all the delineations of the globe produced in those 
days, in that positive form which maps necessarily 
assume. There is even a certain similarity in the 
outline and position assigned by various maps to the 
north-west passage ; and, what is most singular, these 
random guesses are not so far wrong as might have 
been expected. The third illusion is very charac- 
teristic of the age. The Roman Catholic and the 


Protestant powers watched each other with the most 
anxious jealousy. The same jealousy prevailed be- 
tween the different commercial nations as such. All 
were eager to find a short way to India. Each of them 
was aware that the others had searched for it, and they 
would not believe in each other's ill success. It is thus 
that rumours sprang up of ships having actually sailed 
through the north-west passage. The southern nations 
attributed the feat to the northern, the northern to 
the southern nations. We find, a few years later, 
a celebrated Spanish writer asserting that " the great 
pirate, Drake," had accomplished the feat. Much 
more eff'ect, however, had a story told by a clever 
w^ag, a friar named Urdaneta, who described in full 
detail a voyage through the north-western strait per- 
formed by himself in 1568. He has been rewarded 
for his impudent audacity with the honours of im- 
mortal fame. Not satisfied with these traps laid 
for him, Gilbert, in his blind eagerness, misinter- 
preted the lessons of history, and attributed a voy- 
age in search of a north-west passage to " Scol- 
mus the Dane." It would lead us too far were we 
to indulge any longer in an analysis of the specu- 
lations which led to the resumption of the great 
search. We refer the reader to Hakluyt's Collec- 
tion, where he will find the treatises of Willes and 
Gilbert, with other similar materials, and especially 
the voyages of Martin Frobisher. 

It is difficult to speak of these voyages with perfect 
fairness. Their importance consists much more in the 
impulse they gave than in what they accomplished. 


This has been so well understood by the writers on 
this topic, that the originality of Martin Frobisher's 
ideas has been very greatly exaggerated. It was for a 
long time a fashion to overlook the whole first period 
of the search for a north-west passage, especially to 
estimate as low as possible the deserts of John and 
Sebastian Cabot, and thus to enhance those of Frobisher. 
The documents which recent researches have brought 
to light remove for ever this unfair judgment. But 
we must not at the same time conclude, that the 
name of Martin Frobisher has to be wiped out from 
the list of great navigators. The practical renewal 
of the search for a passage is no ordinary merit. We 
must also remember that Frobisher had many dis- 
advantages to overcome before he obtained, by the 
most unwearied industry and the most ardent con- 
viction, the patronage which he afterwards enjoyed. 
It is a matter of serious congratulation, that he suc- 
ceeded in bringing all the most eminent interest in 
the country, political and aristocratic, scientific and 
commercial, to bear on this enterprise, which thus 
first received its truly national character. Willes, 
Gilbert, Stephen Borrough (the celebrated arctic 
navigator) ; Dr. John Dee, the ofiicial adviser of the 
Muscovy Company ; Richard Ilakluyt, of the Middle 
Temple, the cousin of the historian, Lok, and other 
special men, assisted Frobisher with geographical in- 
formation. The queen herself, and still more the Earl 
and the Countess of Warwick, took a lively interest in 
the enterprise. Commercial men provided the funds. 
Gentlemen wore eager to join the adventure. In none 


of his three expeditions had Frobisher less than three 
vessels, and in 1571 he had fifteen under his orders. 
This great, perhaps too great, favour, must be consi- 
dered as almost a disadvantage for Frobisher person- 
ally, though a great advantage for the popularity of his 
scheme. The vast responsibility, the many eyes that 
watched his movements, made him more cautious 
than was desirable for his fame. In arctic explora- 
tions at least, much more has been effected by modest 
than by grand undertakings, by single small vessels 
than by large fleets. 

Frobisher sailed three times to the north-west, in 
1576, 1577, and 1578. In 1576 he steered straight 
across the Atlantic till he came in sight of Green- 
land. He then passed along the southern and south- 
western shores of that continent, and again sailing 
westward, he reached the coast of Labrador. Here 
he sought for the strait which his charts indicated, 
and which he at last believed that he had found in 
63° 8'. The charts of those regions are still so imper- 
fect, that it is difficult to follow him much further. It 
seems, however, that he entered an inlet or a strait, 
proceeded up it for sixty leagues without being land- 
locked, but at last found himself arrested by ice. It is 
likely that he soon comprehended, what every intelli- 
gent arctic navigator must have felt, namely, that the 
passage, even should it be found, would prove useless 
to commerce. Little value was in those days attached 
to mere geographical discoveries. After the promises 
he had made, and the hopes he had raised, this con- 
viction must have been very painful for Frobisher. 


He was therefore very happy to be able to direct his 
attention to other objects ; the taking possession of 
those barren regions, the collecting of curiosities. 
Among them he brought home a stone, glittering like 
gold, in which greedy eyes, deceived by the love of 
lucre, believed they saw the promise of rich treasures. 
The gathering of this ore, which, after all, proved per- 
fectly worthless, was the only object, and almost the 
only result of his two last voyages. In 1578 he seems, 
however, by chance to have entered Hudson's Strait; 
"but anxious, in obedience to his instructions, to bring 
home as much ore as he could, he postponed the 
search for a passage, and has consequently incurred 
the blame of writers who looked on these matters from 
the point of view of the nineteenth century. Fro- 
bisher's own contemporaries considered him as a de- 
serving man, and his companions were most truly 
attached to him. 

These voyages were singularly unfortunate in con- 
firming prevailing geographical mistakes, as we shall 
have to notice. They also added their own new store 
of error in different ways. The situation of the country 
discovered by Frobisher, and that of his strait, were 
so imperfectly indicated by those who described the 
voyages, that geographers became perfectly bewil- 
dered. In the chart which Hudson used, Frobisher's 
Strait lies across Greenland, not in America. These 
singular doubts have exercised their influence even up 
to the present day ; as for example, upon Karl von 
Spruner, the author of t\\o Historical Atlas. They liave, 
however, no foundation in fact ; and the real locality 


of Frobisher's Strait is certainly where modern maps 
place it. Another mistake, which caused Hudson 
some useless pains, is due, in the first instance, to one 
of Frobisher's ships, that sailed home by itself, the 
Biisse of Bridgeivater. An immense ice field seems to 
have floated out of Davis' Strait down to latitude bT. 
The excited fancy of a passenger on board the vessel 
mistook it for an island, and the island soon found 
its place on maps and charts, under the name of 
Busse Island. Hudson searched for it with little 
success, as may be imagined. The small hurt these 
mistakes could do was, however, entirely outbalanced 
by the beneficial influence of the correct informa- 
tion Frobisher brought home. It was now certain, 
that between 62° and 63", on the eastern side of 
North America, a wide entrance existed, navigable 
for hundreds of miles. True, that passage was some- 
times blocked up by ice. But this had not yet been 
ascertained to be its almost permanent state. A still 
broader and more navigable entrance had been found 
between 60° and 62\ Some of Frobisher's com- 
panions even recognized the great fact, that the re- 
puted mainland of Labrador, between 61° and 63°, 
was merely a mass of islands, separated by channels, 
some broad, some narrow, which led to unknown 
seas in the west. This information was more than 
sufficient to raise the most lively hopes of a through 
passage, and the most ardent aspirations towards its 
discovery, especially in an age that may well be said 
to have given birth to the buoyancy and elasticity of 
spirit by which the English nation has since become 
so great. 


The required expenditure, vast for the times, alone 
prevented the track from being followed up at once. 
Frobisher himself made efforts to obtain the necessary 
means, and was nearly successful, owing especially 
to the interest which the great Francis Drake took 
in the enterprise. This admirable seaman offered to 
tax to the utmost his already shaken credit, and to 
raise a thousand pounds for the expedition. More 
than five thousand were expected from various other 
noblemen and gentlemen, of which three thousand 
from the famous Earl of Leicester. But the enter- 
prise came to nought, because it had been projected 
on too large a scale. It is mentioned for the last 
time in 1581. 

Equally without result were, as it seems, the en- 
deavours of Adrian Gylbert, to whom letters-patent 
for the search of a north-west passage were granted 
in February 1583. He does not appear to have 
started for his destination. 

It was reserved for John Davis, one of the greatest 
of navigators, to follow up and develope the vague 
indications of Frobisher. Master John Davis sailed 
from Dartmouth the 7th of June, 1585, with two 
small vessels, the SunsJimc, of fifty tons, the Jloonshine^ 
of thirty -five. His course was north-west. He ex- 
pected to find no land before he reached America. 
But to his surprise he struck the south-eastern coast 
of Greenland, between 60° and 61°, the 20th of July. 
We shall have occasion to dwell on the singular mis- 
conceptions which prevailed at the time with regard 
to that great arctic continent. These misconceptions, 


the growth of centuries, formed a curious mixture of 
truth and error; and Frobisher had lately contributed 
to them his own large share of mistakes. Davis was 
justified in thinking that the land he had fallen in with 
had been hitherto unknown, and w^as his own new dis- 
covery. After a short hesitation on the south-eastern 
side of Greenland, he rounded the southern point on 
the 23rd of July, and then sailed for two more days 
up along the south-western coast. To these southern 
parts of Greenland he gave the graphic name of 
Desolation, a name now attached to a small portion 
only of those shores. On the 25th he left the newly 
discovered country, and steered his former course to 
the north-west, thus unconsciously following the bend 
of the Greenland coast, which he had lost sight of. 
After four days sail, the 29th of July he was again 
in sight of land, under 64° 15'. His course had 
brought him to the jutting point which forms the 
northern boundary of Gilbert's Sound. That is now 
the least unknown portion of Greenland. Gilbert's 
Sound is a large and fair bay, enclosing many islands, 
and here among the snow and ice of the high north 
some sunny nook may greet the eye of the weary sailor. 
The Danish settlement of Godhab, and the Moravian 
colony of Nye Hernhut, are situated in these parts. 
They have been visited by several recent navigators, 
especially by Captain M'Clintock, and their names 
are now familiar to the ear. Here Davis held inter- 
course with the Esquimaux, and it is delightful to read 
how he employed the sweet medium of music to gain 
their friendship. Davis left Gilbert's Sound the 1st 


of August, having tarried two days. He again steered 
his former course to the north-west, and thus crossed 
for the first time the strait that now bears his name. 
Only five days sail brought him to the American 
side, which he reached in latitude 66° 40' the 6th of 
August. He had arrived in the neighbourhood of 
that remarkable promontory, by him named Cape 
Walsingham, where the American coast makes so 
sudden a turn to the north-west. Not finding an 
inlet by which he might follow a western course and 
reach the Pacific, he coasted on the American 
side southward, in quest, probably, of Frobisher's 
Strait, which he must have expected to find in lati- 
tude 63° 8', three degrees and a half further south. 
But before he reached that inlet he fell in with 
another more northern opening, named by him Cum- 
berland Strait, and which seemed to off'er a good 
chance of a passage. He arrived at the mouth of 
that strait the 11th of August, and having explored 
it for six days, he met with a cluster of islands, "with 
many fair sounds between," and concluded by an 
admirable course of reasoning that the strait does 
lead to the Pacific. His opinion has not yet been 
disproved, and further exploration may show it to 
have been correct. The charts of those regions are 
still in the highest degree unsatisfactory. We know 
as little as the first discoverers did, whether Fro- 
bisher's and Cumberland's Straits do or do not com- 
municate with the more western waters. In bare 
justice to those great men, the information which 
intelligent whalers must have gained in that long 


interval might be collected and inserted in the Admi- 
ralty charts. After so much has been done for the 
higher regions, something might be done for the 
west of Davis' Strait, and for the channels that lead 
into it. " There are many intelligent whaling cap- 
tains," says Captain M'Clintock, " who possess much 
valuable knowledge of these lands and seas ; and 
even in the terra incognita of Frobisher's Straits 
whalers have wintered, whilst our charts scarcely 
afford even a vague idea of the configuration of these 
extensive islands. . . A surveying vessel would be 
usefully employed for a couple of summers in tracing 
the general outline of these possessions of Her Ma- 
jesty." Davis sailed homewards the 24th of August. 
He brought his two frail barks safely home the 30th 
of September, 1585. 

Davis sailed again the 7th of May, 1586. He had 
with him four vessels, the Sunshine and Moonshine^ 
which he had the year before ; the Meermaid^ a vessel 
of a hundred tons ; and the North Star, a pinnace of 
ten tons burden. The 7th of May he was south of 
Iceland in 60°, and despatched the Sunshine and 
North Star to search between Greenland and Iceland. 
He himself proceeded westward with the 3Iecrmaid 
and Moonshine, and reached the south of Greenland 
the 15th of June. But he had arrived too early in 
the season. A huge mass of ice encumbered the 
Greenland shore. To round it he had to stand out 
of the strait, and to sail as far south as 57°. The 
ice, at present also, often forms regular fields and 
packs out of Davis' Strait, such as he encountered in 



the beginning, and the Busse, of Bridgewater, met 
with at the end of summer, in latitude 57°. Having 
rounded the pack, Davis reached Gilbert's Sound the 
29th of June. Stormy weather, and the wish to be- 
come thoroughly acquainted with the country, de- 
tained him till the middle of the month of July. The 
17th we meet him again at sea, not far from Gil- 
bert's Sound, but a little to the south, in 63° 8'. 
Davis had now to encounter a new and a fiercer 
struggle with the pack. A fortnight's sail carried 
him only a few degrees farther north and a very 
small distance farther west. Many of the sailors in 
his larger vessel had probably never seen the arctic 
regions before. Their courage fell, and at last Davis 
met with that obstacle, worse than storm and ice, a 
mutiny among his crew. Subdued by his imposing 
presence, his sailors did not break out into the ex- 
cesses which troubled Weymouth and cost Hudson 
his life ; but they represented in earnest language 
that " he might not, through his over-boldness, leave 
their widows and little children to give him bitter 
curses." He obeyed, and after little more than one 
day's south-eastern sail he reached land on the Green- 
land shore, in latitude 66° 33', the 1st of August. 
He was now constrained to send the Meermaid home, 
the crew being unwilling to encounter any longer 
the dangers of navigation among the ice, which are 
appalling enough even for those who have spent 
many years in those regions, and whose vessels are 
specially fitted for this dangerous navigation by every 
contrivance that ingenuity can invent. But Davis 


was not shaken in his purpose. He now entrusted 
himself to the Moonshine^ more a fishing smack than 
a ship. A few days were spent in preparing her for 
her arduous task, and the 5th she started by herself. 
She crossed the strait in nearly a due westerly direc- 
tion. The 14th of August she was near Cape AVal- 
singham, in latitude ^^° 19', on the American side. 
It was too late for anything more than a summary 
search along the coast. The rest of the month, 
and the first days of September, were spent in that 
search. Besides the already known openings, namely, 
Cumberland Strait, Frobisher's Strait, and Hudson's 
Strait, two more openings were found, Davis Inlet in 
56°, and Ivudoke Inlet in 54° 30'. Davis now had to 
cross the Atlantic in his miserable craft, and he per- 
formed the voyage through the equinoctial gales in 
little more than three weeks. He reached England 
again in the beginning of October, 1586. 

The 19th of June, 1587, Davis began his third 
north-western voyage with three vessels, one of which 
was the Sunshine^ always his faithful companion. He 
had besides brought out, in frame, a pinnace, intended 
for exploration in shallow water. After he had 
reached Gilbert's Sound, the 16th of June, he was 
about to set up the pinnace, when the Esquimaux 
of the neighbourhood, seeing the many fine pieces 
of iron which were used as nails and spikes, could 
not resist the temptation of tearing the whole fabric 
to pieces to obtain those treasures. This singular 
race exhibited from the very first the same cha- 
racteristics which have now become so familiar to 


arctic explorers. The cheerfulness and good nature 
of the Esquimaux are praised by those who first came 
in contact with them, and some of these early mari- 
ners put these qualities in contrast with the fierceness 
and the gloom of the Indian warriors. Still such 
depredations as those here noted too often occur, 
proving that low standard of morality which belongs 
to the savage. These occurrences, and the partial 
restoration of the pinnace, delayed Davis till the 21st 
of June. From that day to the 30th of the same 
month he sailed to the north along the Greenland 
shore, and arrived on the 30th of June, 1587, in lati- 
tude 72° 12', nearly four degrees farther north than 
any one had been before him in that sea. He 
found to the north " no ice, but a great sea, free, 
large, very salt and very blue," and " it seemed most 
manifest that the passage was free and without im- 
pediment toward the north." Northern gales and 
the wish to proceed to the west prevented his sailing 
farther in this northern direction, or he would have 
forestalled some of his most distinguished follow- 
ers. BaflEin's Bay would now bear the name of John 
Davis. A few days before, when he was ofi" the Green- 
land coast in latitude 67°, he believed that he saw the 
American shore. But he was evidently deceived. The 
distance is two hundred miles, and the feat is impos- 
sible. None of the phenomena of the arctic regions 
can render it likely. What Davis really saw was 
the almost solid ice field, witli which he had soon to 
engage in a most desperate struggle. He never 
reached the latitude of 67° on the American side, and 


was therefore unable to correct his mistake. To this 
mistake Davis' Strait probably owes its name — a name 
singularly inappropriate for a passage of such im- 
mense width. Davis now tried to sail westward with- 
out giving up the high latitude he had reached. But 
this proved impossible. He met with the eternal 
enemy of arctic exploration, the ice. In spite of this 
obstacle he advanced, on the 1st of July, forty four 
miles in nearly a western direction, deflecting but 
slightly to the south. But he was obliged to give up 
that advantage. Westerly and north-westerly winds 
drove the ice straight against him. He had to retreat 
to the Greenland coast. The 13th of July he was 
in about the same place as he had been sixteen or 
seventeen days before, in latitude 67° 50 , off" Green- 
land. Now he found the sea sufficiently open to 
proceed at least in a south-westerly direction. He 
crossed the strait in five days, from the 14th to the 
17th of July. On the 17tli he was off" the American 
shore, in latitude 65° 30'. Remaining in that neigh- 
bourhood he reached, the 19th, Mount Raleigh, the 
20th, the mouth of Cumberland Strait. From the 
20th to the 23rd he explored Cumberland Strait, 
hoping to find there the passage. But he met with 
a solid barrier of ice, and had to return. This voyage 
out of the strait w^as partly impeded by calms, and re- 
quired six more days, to the 29th of July. They now 
sailed to the south, along the American side of Davis' 
Strait, and passed the 30th across the mouth of Fro- 
bisher's Strait, the 31st of July and the 1st of August 
across the mouth of tludson's Strait. " Which inlet 


or gulfe this afternoone (31st) and in the night (31st 
• — 1st of August) we passed over, where, to our great 
admiration, we saw the sea falling down into the 
gulfe with a mighty overfall and roaring, and with 
divers circular motions like whirlpools, in such sort 
as forcible streams pass through the arches of 
bridges." His further progress down to 52° 40' offers 
no new geographical interest. Davis reached home 
the 15th of September, 1587. 

After his return he expressed the liveliest hope of 
finding a passage to the north, beyond the latitude of 
73°. But the attack of the Armada in 1588, and the 
death of Walsingham, which occurred soon after- 
wards, deprived him of the opportunity to follow up 
his discoveries. 

Davis' journals are the only ones of all those left 
by early north-western explorers, where, with a little 
attention, every point can be clearly made out. Had 
they, like the confused descriptions of Frobisher's 
voyages, been published immediately after the navi- 
gator's return, he would soon have found a successor. 
They appeared in print in 1599, and in 1601 George 
Weymouth offered to the East India Company to 
undertake for them a north-western expedition. So 
confident was he of success, that in case of failure he 
waived all claim to pay or remuneration. 

Weymouth sailed the 2nd of May, 1602. He 
reached the south of Greenland the 18th of June, 
crossed Davis' Strait in a westerly and north-westerly 
direction, and arrived the 28th off the American 
shore, in latitude 63° 53'. Weymouth now sailed to 


the north, hoping to find the open water indicated 
by Davis, and resolved to winter between 68' and 
70' shonld it be reqnired. He had arrived in hxti- 
tnde 68° 53', when a mutiny broke out among his 
crew, who refused to advance any further. Wey- 
mouth had committed the mistake of accepting the 
companionship of a clergyman named John Cart- 
wright, who possessed the reputation of being fami- 
liar with geographical matters, and who gained great 
influence over the crew. The presumption and 
cowardice of this man have blighted Weymouth's 
fame. Unable to proceed as he judged best, Wey- 
mouth had to retrace his steps. The 25th of July he 
arrived at Hatton's Headland, in 61° 40', the north- 
ern entrance to Hudson's Bay. According to his 
own words, he sailed " an hundred leagues west and 
by south" into the strait. There must be either a 
slight exaggeration in the distance, or the statement 
as regards the course must be slightly incorrect. The 
latter is, indeed, the case ; this the journal clearly 
shows. But there is no reason to pass on Weymouth 
the severe verdict, that he iwetends to have done a thing 
which is impossible; a verdict first pronounced by Fox, 
whose acquaintance with the south of Hudson's Strait 
was very imperfect ; then confirmed by Sir John Bar- 
row, who probably did not take the trouble to look 
into a map, and then repeated by others. That Wey- 
mouth really sailed a considerable distance into Hud- 
son's Strait does not allow of a doubt, nor is it doubtful 
that he "lighted Hudson into the strait," as Fox, with 
greater justice, expresses it. Weymouth's later pro- 
ceedings are not of any geographical interest. 


After Weymouth, and before Hudson, only one 
more voyage in search of a north-west passage was 
undertaken. It was performed by John Knight, in 
1606. It led to no result whatever. 

We have now to go back a period of more than 
half a century, and to speak of the opening and 
progress of the search for a north-east passage, 
down to the time when Hudson was engaged in 
the realization of this idea. We have already re- 
peatedly had occasion to allude to this matter, and 
especially to point out the principal circumstances 
which afforded Sebastian Cabot the opportunity 
again to exert himself in behalf of English com- 
merce. On a former page of the present introduc- 
tion we have narrated the first events in Sebastian 
Cabot's life. There we left him. It will, perhaps, 
be best to give in a few lines a summary of his 
career, until he finally fixed his residence in England. 
We have seen that he arrived in this country with 
his father; that in 1497 he found North America ; 
that in 1498 he began the search for a north-west 
passage, and probably discovered Hudson's Strait. 
From 1498 to 1512 his movements are uncertain. In 
1512 he entered the Spanish service, became a mem- 
ber of the Council of the Indies, and was to under- 
take voyages for the Spaniards. Preparations were 
made for an expedition in spring 1516. But the politi- 
cal changes which took place at the time prevented it, 
and Cabot again went to England. He undertook a 
second voyage in search of a north-west passage, pro- 
bably in 1517, and then discovered Davis' Strait, up 


to 67° 30'. After his return Cardinal Wolsey wished 
to employ him. The negociations led to nothing, and 
he again returned to Spain, resuming his old dignity 
and becoming in addition pilot-major. In 1523, tired 
as it seems of the Spanish service, he secretly made 
overtures to Venice. Though very anxious to serve 
that city, which he considered as his home, insur- 
mountable difficulties preveijted his doing so, and 
he remained the pilot-major of Spain. In 1526 he 
undertook, for the Spanish crown, an expedition to 
the Moluccas ; but he only reached the La Plata 
river, where he remained for five years exploring the 
surrounding country. From 1531 to his final return 
to England, no voyages of his are on record, nor does 
he seem to have performed any during that time. 
In 1548 he arrived in England. Edward VI, a 
prince of great promise, who, in spite of his youth, 
fully comprehended that England, to become a great 
power, must have its fair portion of the world's com- 
merce, very gladly received Sebastian Cabot into his 
service and granted him a salary, liberal for those 
days, of £166. 

When Cabot, in 1522 and 1523, made overtures 
to the Venetian government, it was his intention to 
point out to them what he then believed to be by far 
the most advantageous route to the Indies. All the 
roads to India which are followed at the present day 
were then considered the special properties of Spain 
and Portugal ; and these two powers, the most com- 
manding in Europe, had the means and the will to 
defend that property. The scheme of the north-west 


passage had probably been given up by Cabot as 
hopeless, at least in a commercial point of view. But 
there yet remained one chance of a short way to 
eastern Asia, namely, by the north-east. Even now, 
knowing, as we do, the great northern elevation 
of the coast of Siberia, the shortest line across sea 
that we could draw from any part of Europe to 
China would pass by Nova Zembla, and would lead 
us to the north-east. But those north-eastern parts 
were absolutely unknown to Cabot. Misinterpreting 
some passages in Pliny, Cornelius Nepos, and other 
ancient writers, then the only available sources of in- 
formation with regard to the north-east, Sebastian 
Cabot concluded the distance from Europe to China 
by that route to be much shorter than it really is. 
He was, moreover, convinced that the north-eastern 
seas were not only navigable, but had, in fact, been 
navigated by the ancients. On these erroneous assump- 
tions, he founded the plan of searching for a route to 
China by the north-east. His wish thus to benefit 
Venice remained, however, a jmim dcsidcrium. The 
Venetian ambassador Contarini, with whom he en- 
tered into negociations, plainly told him that Venice 
could not venture to make opposition to the Spanish 
and Portuguese commerce, because these powers 
commanded the Strait of Gibraltar, and could pre- 
vent both the departure and the return of the Vene- 
tian vessels should they attempt any such under- 
taking. Cabot, therefore, stored up the idea in his 
mind. It Avas after his return to England that the 
necessities of English commerce, which we have 


already described, offered him an opportunity of 
carrying out his favourite phm : if not for Venice, 
at least for a country "which he viewed Avith less 
repugnance than he must have harboured towards 

The commercial association to which his scheme 
gave rise, that of the Merchant Adventurers, has 
passed through a most brilliant career and is still in 
existence. Their earliest proceedings, and those of 
the Dutch who followed them, have met with more 
attention from geographical scholars than perhaps 
any other similar subject has done. We jDOssess espe- 
cially two excellent works, one by Dr. Von Hamel, 
the other by Dr. Beke : the latter among the collections 
of the Hakluyt Society. There is now hardly left room 
for any new investigations. It will therefore be easy 
for us to do what we shall attempt in the next few 
pages, namely, to point out how the way which Hud- 
son followed in his first voyages had been prepared 
by his predecessors. 

The first north-eastern expedition which was sent 
out by the Company of Merchant Adventurers sailed 
from Ratcliff, the 10th of May, 1553. It consisted 
of three ships, all with equally auspicious names, 
the Bona Esperanza, Bona Confidential and Edward 
Bonaventure. But the names of the two first ships 
were sadly to be belied. Sir Hugh Willoughby, 
captain-general of the fleet, was driven with these 
two ships far out to sea, and at length put into a 
small haven on the coast of Lapland, near the mouth 
of the river Warsina, where the entire crews of both 


vessels, amounting in all to seventy souls, perished 
from cold and hunger. 

Before meeting with his untimely end, Willoughby, 
on the 14th of August, " descried land, which land 
(he says in a note found written in one of the two 
ships) we bore with all, hoising out our boat to dis- 
cover what land it might be ; and the boat could not 
come to land, the water was so shoale, where was 
very much ice also, but there was no similitude of 
habitations ; and this land lyeth from Seynam east 
and by north 160 leagues, being in latitude 72 de- 
grees. Then we plyed to the northward." Dr. Beke, 
whom we have literally followed in this description 
of Willoughby's voyage, goes on to show that the 
land discovered by Willoughby was a part of Nova 
Zembla, now called the Goose Coast. For a long 
time English geographers contended that Willoughby 
had discovered Spitzbergen. This most indefensible 
theory has found its way into Purchas' notes to 
Hudson's voyages. We shall speak of its origin in 
our geographical review. 

Richard Chancellor, pilot-major of Willoughby's 
fleet, was far more fortunate than his hapless chief. In 
the third vessel, the Edtvard Bonaventurc, commanded 
by Stephen Burrough, he succeeded in entering the 
Bay of St. Nicholas, since better known as the White 
Sea, and on the 24th of August, 1553, reached in 
safety the western mouth of the Dwina, wlicnce he 
proceeded overland to the court of the Emperor of 
Muscovy. The result was the foundation of the com- 
mercial and political relations between England and 


Russia, which have subsisted with but brief inter- 
ruptions up to the present day. 

Shortly after Chancellor liad brought his section 
of Willoughby's expedition to so successful an issue, 
the Company of Merchant Adventurers, by whom 
the three ships had been fitted out, received a charter 
of incorporation, bearing date February 6th, 1 and 2 
Ph. and Mar. (1554-1555) ; and subsequently, in the 
eighth year of Queen Elizabeth (1566), they obtained 
an act of Parliament, in which they are styled " the 
Fellowship of English Merchants for Discovery of 
New Trades," a title under which they still continue 
incorporated, though they are better known by the 
designation of the " Muscovy" or " Russia Company." 

It is not here the phice to discuss the general pro- 
ceedings of the Russia Company, important though 
they be, and highly deserving of being made the sub- 
ject of special investigation All that we have to do 
is to notice the expeditions which were undertaken 
under the auspices of that company, for the purpose 
of exploring the seas bounding the Russian empire 
on the north, with a view to the discovery of a north- 
east passage to China. 

Of these expeditions, the first was that of Stephen 
Burrough, who had, in 1555, been the master of 
Richard Chancellor's ship, the Edward Bonaventure^ 
and who was, in 1556, dispatched in the pinnace 
Searchthrift^ to make discovery towards the river Ob. 

Dr. Beke, whom we have again literally followed 
for the whole of the preceding page, now goes on to 
describe in detail the voyage of the Scarchthrlft. But 


this expedition is of much less importance for our 
subject than for his. The following summary is suf- 
ficient for our purpose. Burrough left Gravesend 
the 23rd of April, passed the North Cape the 23rd of 
May, reached Kola the 9th of June ; and then pro- 
ceeded, in company with some native boats, to explore 
Nova Zcmbla. For the sake of greater clearness, it 
is, perhaps, best to observe, that Nova Zembla, or 
Novaya Zemlya, is a group of islands in shape of a 
crescent. The crescent has on its outer (western) 
side the Spitzbergen Sea, on its inner (eastern) side 
the Sea of Kara, and forms the boundary between 
those two seas. The southern end of the crescent 
bends towards the mouth of the river Petchora. The 
northern extremity points towards Cape Taimyr. 
This northern extremity is in latitude 77°, and in 
nearly the same longitude with the mouth of the 
river Oby. The Nova Zembla group consists of four 
larger and several smaller islands. The names of the 
larger ones are, according to Dr. Beke's nomencla- 
ture, Vaigats for the most southern,^ Novaya Zemlya 
Proper for the next, Matthew's Land for the fol- 
lowing, and Liitke and Barents' Land for the most 
northern. These islands are separated from each 
other by straits, more or less narrow. The ex- 
ploration of the islands, and the discovery of the 
straits between them, is the principal point of in- 
terest in most of the early north-eastern voyages ; 
for the Nova Zembla group forms a natural barrier 

^ Dr. Bcke does not consider Vaigats as part of Nova Zembla, 
but Mr, Scorosby docs. 


upon which the navigator must strike when he wislies 
to penetrate to China by a north-easterly route, and 
his first efforts must be towards the crossing of this 
barrier. All the seamen of whom we have to speak 
were obliged to make that attempt. The first of 
them, AVilloughby, merely touched Nova Zcmbla. 
Others, like Brunei and Hudson, made useless efforts 
to penetrate through frozen straits and bays, and then 
returned. The most successful navigators discovered 
the open passages between the islands, and the bold- 
est of all, WilHam Barents, sailed along the western 
side of the whole group, rounded its northern point, 
and wintered on the north-eastern shore. But even 
those who were fortunate enough to penetrate beyond 
Nova Zembla and into the Sea of Kara, made after- 
wards but little progress. That sea is, by Polar cur- 
rents, continually filled with close packed ice. Only 
two or three ships are known to have penetrated 
through it and to have reached the mouth of the 
Oby. The Russians themselves, though at home in 
those waters, and of notorious courage and expe- 
rience in this kind of navigation, have as yet been 
unable to explore the whole east coast of Nova Zembla. 
Stephen Burrough's north-eastern explorations be- 
gan, as we have said, the 9th of June, 1556. Nothing 
memorable happened to him before the 25th of July, 
when he discovered a small island between the main- 
land of Russia, and Vaigats, the most southern of the 
four larger Nova Zembla islands. His new discovery 
was called St. James's Island. Then sailing to the 
north, he found Vaigats the 31st of July. He coasted 


along the western side of Vaigats, and the 3rd of 
August he reached its northern point. The 4th, he 
sailed through the strait betAveen Vaigats and Nova 
Zerabla Proper, which is therefore called Burrough's 
Strait. He had now entered the Kara Sea. But there 
his success ended. He could not advance against the 
ice, and had to return the 5th of August, 1556. He 
arrived at Archangel the 11th of September, 1556. 

A long time elapsed before the search was renewed. 
The Muscovy Company had so unexpected a success 
in the country they were trading with, that they 
found full employment and a satisfactory reward for 
their labours. Their agents also learned in Russia 
that an overland route to China existed, and carefully 
noted down its different stages and stations. All this 
diverted their minds from the purpose for which the 
company had originally been established. Still the 
search for a north-east passage was not entirely given 
up. In 1568 a commission was issued to three ser- 
vants of the company who were then in Russia, 
Bassendine, Woodcock, and Browne, to search to the 
east and to the w^est of Nova Zcmbla. Nothing is 
known of the success of this expedition, nor even 
vs^hether it started. Twelve years elapsed before the 
next expedition was undertaken of which we have 
any record. 

The 31st of May, 1580, Arthur Bet and Charles 
Jackman, two captains in the service of the Muscovy 
Company, started from Harwich, in two small barks, 
of forty and twenty tons burden. Having sailed toge- 
ther as far as Wardhuus (Lapland coast), Pet and 


Jackman separated the 24th of June, appointhig the 
island of Vaigats as their meeting place. Pet reached, 
on the 4th of July, Nova Zembla Proper, in latitude 
71° 38'. He then sailed to the south, and was, on the 
10th of July, off Vaigats Island. There he remained 
till the 14th. He then tried for a passage by the 
north of Vaigats, but failed to discover the strait 
which Burrough had found. He now steered to the 
south-west, and reached the mouth of the Petchora 
on the 17th. Thence he started again to the east. 
He kept close to the Russian shore, and discovered 
the strait between Vaigats and the mainland, which 
is therefore called Pet Strait. The 19th of July, Pet 
was in the Kara Sea. But the pack was again as 
close as it had been in Burrough's time, and it was 
impossible to move through it. After five days of 
vain struggle with that obstinate enemy, Pet was 
joined by his companion, Jackman, who had also 
found his way into the Sea of Kara. The two barks, 
of forty and twenty tons, now united their efforts, 
and tried to force their way onward to China. Three 
more days were spent in this vain labour. On the 28th 
of July Pet and Jackman resolved to return to Vaigats, 
and then to deliberate on their future proceedings. 
But they were now in the middle of the pack, some 
of the floes of which were so large that their boun- 
dary could not be seen. It required the unremitting 
labours of seventeen anxious days to carry them back 
the small distance they had advanced into the Sea of 
Kara. They reached Vaigats on the 15th of August, 
and had passed back through Pet Strait by the 20th 


of the same month. Pet reached home on the 26th 
of December, Jackman wintered in Norway, and 
perished on his homeward voyage the following spring. 

This is the last well authenticated English voyage 
in search of a north-east passage, anterior to those of 
Hudson in 1607 and 1608. There is, however, strong 
reason to believe, that before the year 1584 an Eng- 
lish vessel actually sailed through the Kara Sea 
and reached the mouth of the Oby, where she suf- 
fered shipwreck. The crew are said to have been 
slain by the natives, who thought them to be robbers. 
The agents of the Muscovy Company also obtained 
some extremely interesting information with regard 
to the routes usually followed by the Russians from 
the Petchora to the Oby, both along the Russian 
shore and across Nova Zembla ; and their hope 
of a passage was maintained, in spite of repeated 

No actual attempt of theirs is, however, on record, 
between 1584 and 1607. But almost at the very 
time when the long lapse of their efforts in this 
direction begins, another nation appears on the scene, 
namely, the Dutch. This nation was destined to be, 
for two hundred years, the rival of England's mari- 
time power, and their rivalry first began in the frozen 
seas off Nova Zembla. The explorations which they 
made there at the end of the sixteenth century 
are still, and very justly, reckoned among the national 
glories of the Dutch. Other nations have not failed to 
acknowledge their title to universal admiration. The 
lluklnyt Society, in especial, has devoted to them one 


of its most remarkable volumes. These explorations 
were the principal lights on Hudson's way to the 
north-east, and we must therefore again dwell upon 
them, although they have been so thoroughly inves- 
tigated by Dr. Beke in the work repeatedly referred 

We have, on a former page, spoken of the tide of 
emigration from the southern provinces of the Nether- 
lands, caused by Alba's persecutions. We have also 
said that many of the most vigorous elements of that 
stream, after having been scattered over all parts of 
Europe, gathered again and settled in the northern 
provinces, especially in Holland and Zealand, when 
these parts became free from the Spanish yoke. One 
of the men who thus left Belgium, strayed far abroad, 
and afterwards went to Holland, was Oliver Brunei, 
a native of Brussels, whom we meet, in 1580, at the 
mouth of the river Petchora, bent on the search for 
a north-east passage. 

Alba's persecutions began in 1567 and lasted till 
1573. During the same period, and for several years 
afterwards, the frontier provinces of Russia and Swe- 
den were desolated by the fierce contentions between 
those two empires. The Swedes called to their flags 
a number of foreigners, mostly, or perhaps all, Pro- 
testants. Scotch and Germans they were said to be, 
but under these names there were also comprised 
adventurers from other countries. Among these 
probably was Oliver Brunei. He was made a prisoner 
by the Russians, and had, in 1580, been for several 
years in the service of two Russian merchants, the 


one called Yakow, the other Anikyi. A Swedish 
shipwright, probably also a prisoner, was likewise 
in the service of these Russians. At that time the 
factors of the English Muscovy Company were con- 
tinually making inquiries about the roads to the 
mouth of the Oby, and beyond it to Cathay. This 
roused the attention of the Russians, and the two 
merchants whom we have named hurried to follow 
the example as soon as the opportunity offered. 
They employed the skilful prisoners to construct and 
navigate for them two vessels, fit for sailing in shal- 
low water. Oliver Brunei, a man, as it seems, of no 
very high scientific attainments, but of good powers 
of observation, explored the whole coast of Russia, 
from the mouth of the Petchora to the mouth of the 
Oby. He also went to Vaigats and to Nova Zembla 
Proper. Having thus made himself useful to his 
masters, he was sent by them to Antwerp to hire a 
number of clever sailors for further exploration of 
the north-eastern route. On this journey he arrived, 
in February, 1581, on the island of Oesel, in the gulf 
of Livonia. In Arensburg, the capital of that island, 
there lived a man called John Balak, who was learned 
in geography. Balak, much interested by Brunei's 
account, requested him to call on Gerard Mercator, 
the great geographer, a Belgian by birth, who was 
living at Duisburg, in Cleves. Mercator had left his 
home much before Alba's time ; but already well 
aware that his liberal opinions in matters of religion 
(lie was nominally a Roman Catholic, but had singu- 
lar notions of his own) would expose him to danger. 


The letter of introduction which Brunei received 
from Balak was afterwards communicated by Merca- 
tor to Richard Hakluyt, in whose collection it is to 
be found. 

It is not clear whether Brunei ever went to An- 
twerp for his employers. He may not have known, 
when he left Russia, that Alexander of Parma had 
recently made an end to the reign of the friends of 
independence in Belgium, and' that it would, perhaps, 
be hazardous to return there. However this may be, 
we afterwards find Brunei connected with the town of 
Enchuysen, in West Friesland.^ He undertook a 
voyage to the river Petchora, in a vessel from Enc- 
huysen, After having collected much valuable 
merchandize, he lost his ship, and perhaps his life, in 
the mouth of the river. 

The town of Enchuysen thus became engaged in 
the north-eastern scheme. This town chanced to 
possess at the time a number of distinguished men, 
who required but an impulse to engage their ideas 
in this new direction. Among these were Jacob 
Valck, the treasurer of the town; Dr. Francis Maelson, 
the syndic of West Friesland, a man of much geo- 
graphical learning ; Cornelis Corneliszoon Nai, also 
called Menscheter, or Anthropophagus, a seaman of 
considerable experience ; and several other seamen, 
whom we shall have occasion to notice. Distinguished 
before all his fellow citizens was Jan Huighen van 
Linschoten, whose great work on the East Indies is 

^ West Friesland borders on Holland, and forms part of the 
same province ; it may almost be considered as a part of Holland, 


still a standard book in public and private libraries. 
Linschoten lived for years in tbe Portuguese posses- 
sions in the east, and made himself thoroughly ac- 
quainted with their resources. He, better than any 
one else, was able to understand how great an advan- 
tage it would be for any country to enter into com- 
mercial connection with those opulent regions. 

The northern provinces of the Netherlands, so 
small a spot on the map of Europe, had at that time 
much more than their own share of energy, intelli- 
gence, and riches. The exiles from Belgium and 
other refugees were crowded together in their new 
home, and were anxiously seeking a vent for their 
pent up energies. Such a vent the north-eastern 
scheme aiforded. In the chief towns of Holland and 
Zealand two men arose, both Belgian emigrants, who 
led the minds of their fellow citizens towards these 
ideas. Balthasar de Moucheron, an Antwerp mer- 
chant, settled in Middelburg, the capital of Zealand, 
had long been trading with Russia. The route to 
the White Sea was familiar to his captains and pilots. 
The above-mentioned Enchuysen sailors were all in 
his service. He also communicated with Maelson 
and Valck, and between these men the plan of a 
north-eastern expedition was brought to maturity. 
At Amsterdam there lived the celebrated geographer 
Peter Plancius, the very centre of the Belgian emi- 
gration, an ardent Calvinist preacher and divine, and 
one of the great geographical scholars of the age. 
He, before all others, formed with deliberate inten- 
tion the design of crippling the Spanish power by 


rival commerce, and for that purpose he founded at 
Amsterdam a school of navigation, in which the 
heroes of the northern and of the first eastern voy- 
ages of the Dutch acquired the greater part of their 
theoretical knowledge. The most distinguished 
among his pupils were Willem Barents and Jacob 
van Heemskerk, the Davis and the Drake of Holland. 
It was in the year 1594 that these movements 
yielded their first great result. Moucheron and his 
Enchuysen friends fitted out two vessels, the Stvcm, 
from Ter Ver, in Zealand ; the Mercuri/, from En- 
chuysen. Both were commanded by Enchuysen men; 
the Swan, by Cornelis Nai, who had as under-pilot 
Pieter Strickbolle. With them went, as Mouche- 
ron's commercial agent, Francois de la Dale, a rela- 
tive of Moucheron, who had resided several years 
in Russia ; and as interpreter a Slavonian, named 
Splindler, who had been studying at Leyden. The 
Mercury was commanded by Brant Tetgales, with 
Claes Cornelizoon as mate, both of Enchuysen. Jan 
Huyghen van Linschoten accompanied them as 
" commis,"^ or coopman, filling, on board the Mer~ 

^ The signification of this word seems not to be generally under- 
stood. Even Dr. Beke has been somewhat unjust towards Hul- 
sius, because he supposes him to have translated it very incorrectly. 
The title commis, and the identical one of coopman, is generally 
translated supercargo. This is correct enough in one sense, though 
very incorrect in another. The functions of a commis were prin- 
cipally commercial, but his position was Infinitely superior to that 
of a supercargo of the present day. When ships were sent out to 
open commercial intercourse with foreign nations, the men who were 
specially charged with these negociations held necessarily a high rank 


curij^ the same position which De la Dale held on 
board the Swan. Peter Plancius and his friends at 
Amsterdam roused the public spirit in that city, and 
the Amsterdammers likewise fitted out a vessel for 
the north-eastern search, under the command of 
Plancius' pupil, Willem Barents. 

The vessels under the two Enchuysen men, and 
that from Amsterdam, sailed together from home 
and returned home together ; still the two expedi- 
tions may almost be considered as distinct, so different 
were the plans which they followed. Maelson and his 
friends seem to have been intent on adopting in 
every respect the indications of Oliver Brunei. They 
instructed the two Enchuysen captains to sail through 
Pet Strait, between the mainland of Russia and Vai- 
gats ; then along the coast of the Sea of Kara, and 

in the expedition. Generally they had full powers from their govern- 
ment, and were diplomatic as well as commercial agents. They 
■were neither the subordinates of the skipper, nor absolutely his 
superiors. Each disposed of the resources of the ship for the 
special business with which he was entrusted ; the skipper on sea, 
the commis in port. The noble nature of the men employed on 
the arctic expeditions prevented the else almost unavoidable con- 
flicts between these two kinds of authority. Linschoten and Tet- 
gales, Nai and De la Dale, Heemskerk and Barents, always agreed. 
But during the voyage where Cornells Houtman was conwtis on 
board the Hollandia, there was a long series of struggles be- 
tween the two authorities. Cornelis Houtman was at last, by 
general consent, made captain of the whole fleet. This fact, with 
which Hulsius was acquainted, seems to have induced him to 
translate Linschotcn's title of commis by Obcrster ; a translation 
which is not quite correct when applied to Linschoten, but not by 
any means so erroneous as Dr. Bcke seems to think. 


then to the Oby. Plancius, on the other hand, 
must have known that the English had repeat- 
edly tried that road without success. He consi- 
dered it as impracticable, and his pupil was in- 
structed to sail along the Nova Zembla group, then 
to round it by the north-east, and thus to reach 
Cathay. Each party followed its own instructions. 
They all sailed together to Kilduyn, on the Lapland 
coast, where they separated. The Enchuysen captains 
then took their course through Pet Strait, which they 
named Nassau Strait, as if it had been a new discovery 
of their own. They now found even the strait pestered 
with ice, and had some difficulty in penetrating through 
it. Still greater were their difficulties in the Sea of 
Kara. After a vain attempt to follow their instructions 
literally and to keep the coast in sight, they had to 
return to the strait. Thence they afterwards started 
again, induced by the promising aspect of the ice, 
and in fact succeeded in crossing the Sea of Kara 
in a north-easterly direction. They mistook Kara 
Bay for the mouth of the river Oby, and tried to 
convince themselves and others that they had sailed 
beyond that river. Satisfied with that imaginary result, 
and unable to penetrate any further, they returned. 
Near the Russian coast they met Willem Barents, who 
had also followed his instructions. He had sailed along 
the whole of the Nova Zembla group, had rounded 
its north-eastern point, and had reached a cluster of 
islands, called by him the Orange Islands, off the 
north-eastern extremity. This exploit has never been 
repeated, except afterwards by Barents himself. The 


northern and north-eastern parts of Nova Zembla are 
yet laid down from his surveys. Still, when the two 
parties arrived at home, it was to the men from 
Enchuysen that the greater success was attributed ; 
simply because they advocated their claims more 
loudly and more eloquently, and because Linschoten, 
Nai, and their friends, possessed much more weight 
than Plancius and his pupils, who were sneered at 
as theorists. 

The reports brought home by the Zeeland and 
Enchuysen ships caused a general commotion through- 
out the country. It was now thought certain, that 
China could be reached by a north-eastern route ; and 
a much larger venture was made than the former 
one. Seven ships were fitted out, with the assistance 
of the government ; two from Amsterdam, two from 
Zealand, two from Enchuysen, one from Rotterdam. 
The command of the whole fleet was entrusted to 
Nai. Barents commanded the two Amsterdam ves- 
sels. The ships sailed by the same route, which had 
so often been followed without success. They entered 
the Kara Sea through Vaigats Straits. After a 
protracted struggle with the ice, they were obliged to 
return without even having made any new discoveries. 

Moucheron and the Enchuysen men now wisely 
gave up the scheme, as one which could not produce 
any satisfactory result. But the hopes of the nation 
had been too much roused to die away at once. Plan- 
cius, at Amsterdam, especially, thought that a fair 
trial had not been given to his plan of sailing much 
farther north than the Enchuysen and Zealand men 


had done. Barents was of the same opinion. Their 
friends at Amsterdam supported them, perhaps in 
some degree from opposition to Enchuysen and Mid- 
delburg. But the government were unwilling again 
to risk the resources of a new and dangerously placed 
community, and refused to grant them any assist- 
ance. They afforded them, however, some encourage- 
ment in a new manner, which has since been success- 
fully imitated in England. Large rewards were pro- 
mised to any vessel that would accomplish the voyage 
to China by the north-east. This was sufficient to 
induce moneyed men to risk their property, sailors to 
risk their lives, on this adventure. 

Two vessels were fitted out at Amsterdam, the one 
under Jacob van Heemskerk and Willem Barents, 
the other under John Cornelis Hyp. Both vessels left 
Amsterdam the 10th of May, 1596. In the begin- 
ning of June, shortly after they had passed the North 
Cape, disputes arose between R.yp and Barents. Ryp 
would not sail towards the north point of Nova Zem- 
bla, but kept a more north-western course ; perhaps 
with the intention of steering straight across the 
North Pole, perhaps merely from opposition to 
Barents. Barents followed Ryp, and their course 
brought them to Bear Island, in latitude 74° 80', 
longitude 18° 40', which they discovered on the 9th of 
June. Their voyage from the 9th to the 30th is not 
very clearly indicated in the logbook. Indeed, as it is 
there described it is impossible. According to Dr. 
Beke's and Mr. Peterman's interpretation, they sailed 
round Spitzbergen from south-east to north-west, 


then to the west, and at last back to Bear Island 
from north-west to south-east. This feat seems highly 
improbable, and no one but these enthusiastic ad- 
mirers of Barents ever imagined it. According to 
the opinion of all other writers, Barents and Ryp 
explored merely the western side of Spitzbergen up 
to its most northern point, and perhaps a very small 
part of the northern shore. Then they returned to 
Bear Island. This view of the case is borne out by 
the almost contemporary map of Hondius, which 
forms part of the present collection. 

Hondius' map was specially intended as an illustra- 
tion of the voyage under review. Its statements 
were, at least tacitly, accepted as correct by Plancius 
and others, who had means of knowing the facts of 
the case.^ After their return to Bear Island, the 1st 
of July, Ryp and Barents separated ; Ryp to renew 
the search from the north-west of Spitzbergen east- 
ward, Barents to round the northern point of Nova 
Zembla, as he was ordered to do ; of Ryp's fur- 
ther proceedings, no satisfactory account remains. 
Barents succeeded, on the 15th of August, in round- 
ing the north-point, and in sailing a short distance to 
the south-east. But the ice of the Kara Sea soon 

' See the map : Tabula Geogr. in qua admirnnd(e naviffationis 
cursus et recw'sus desujnatur. The admiranda navhjatio is Barents' 
third voyage, the course of which is indicated on the map. The 
work in which the map first appeared, Pontanus' Description of 
Amstej-dam, was first published in 1611; a Dutch translation, 
witli the same maps, appeared in 1614. Pontanus himself had paid 
very considerable attention to northern discoveries, and was one 
of the most strenuous advocates of the north-eastern passage. 


arrested his progress. On the 26th of August, he 
had to seek refuge on the north-eastern coast of 
Nova Zembha ; and unable either to advance or to 
return through the ice, he was obliged to winter in 
this dreary region. Entirely unprepared for so highly 
dangerous an undertaking, both he and his crew had 
to undergo the severest sufferings, to which Barents 
succumbed the 20th of June, 1597. The return 
voyage of the crew under the abk command of Jacob 
Heemskerk, is a deservedly celebrated adventure, 
which, however, offers no new fact of geographical 

No more north-eastern expeditions were under- 
taken before the year 1607. The history both of 
the north-western and north-eastern search has thus 
been brought down to Hudson's time. We have 
now to sum up the result of all these expeditions, 
and to see when and by whom the various coasts had 
been discovered and explored. Afterwards we shall 
have to inquire how the geographical results gained 
by these voyages presented themselves to the minds 
of Hudson and of his contemporaries. The voyages 
which we have recorded were nearly all directed to 
the arctic regions. In summing them up, we shall 
have to wander half round the North Pole. It seems 
best to begin where our review of the voyages ended, 
namely, on the north-eastern extremity of Europe. 

The Nova Zembla group and the adjoining waters 
had formed the scene of frequent voyages. Some of 
the mariners had penetrated into the Sea of Kara, 
and had fought glorious battles against its redoubt- 


able icefields. Oliver Brunei had, about 1580, even 
passed beyond the Kara Sea, exploring the Rus- 
sian shore on the land side, from the mouth of the 
Petchora to the mouth of the Oby. A still more 
extraordinary feat is recorded of an English vessel, 
which, about the same period, performed the voyage 
from the Petchora to the Oby by sea. The eastern 
shore of the Kara Sea had, besides, been touched by 
the Enchuysen and Zeeland vessels of the first Dutch 
expedition in 1594. These are the explorations in 
the southern and south-eastern part of the Kara Sea. 
Its northern, or rather north-western, part had been 
entered in 1594, and still farther in 1596, by William 
Barents. Thus a part of the south-eastern and of 
the north-eastern shores of Nova Zembla had been 
visited. The remaining part of the east coast had 
never been touched by Europeans. The only navi- 
gable strait between the islands, that between Nova 
Zembla Proper and Vaigats, had been discovered by 
Burrough in 1556. The strait between Vaigats and 
the Russian coast had become perfectly familiar both 
to the English and the Dutch. It had been disco- 
vered by Pet and Jackman in 1580, and about the 
same time by Brunei. Nine Dutch vessels passed 
through it in 1594 and 1595. Some vague know- 
ledge of other straits and bays had also been acquired, 
mostly by indirect information. The west coast 
of Nova Zembla had been visited, in its northern 
part, by Burrough and Pet, in its southern part by 
Barents, who had also rounded the northern point, 
and had, as already stated, entered the Kara Sea by 


the north-east. He had there discovered the Orange 
Islands, off the north-cast coast of Nova Zembla. 

The whole Russian coast, along the Spitzbergen 
and White Sea, had frequently been visited. Kolguev 
Island, west of the Petchora, had been touched by- 
most of the eastward bound mariners. The group of 
inhospitable islands on the boundary line of eternal 
ice, between 80° and 76°, which we call Spitsbergen, 
had been found in 1596, and the western shores of 
the two western islands had been explored. In the 
same year, 1596, Bear Island, south of the western 
islands of the Spitzbergen group, had been touched 
on its western, and again on its eastern side. 

Iceland, the next country we fall in with, had been 
colonized by the ancient Scandinavians. In more 
recent times, it had very frequently been visited by 
Englishmen and other mariners from the south, 
though the expeditions which we have narrated had 
not touched it, because it lies out of the track both 
of the north-western and the north-eastern search. 
Two vessels, dispatched on this special service by 
Davis in 1586, had sought for a passage to the North 
Pole between Iceland and Greenland, and had thus 
sailed along the east side of the great arctic con- 
tinent. They had, however, not touched Greenland 

Greenland had been colonized, on its eastern side, 
by the Scandinavians. These colonies had been lost, 
and their inhabitants had perhaps not even left 
any descendants. They seem to have been visited 
by John of Kolno, in 1476, and in the sixteenth 


century by their bishops and by Blefkenius. No 
recent navigator had touched any part of the east- 
ern shore, except near the southern point. John 
Davis explored the south-eastern coast of Green- 
land, between 60° and 61°. He also rounded the 
southern point, and sailed up along the western side 
to about 61°. This portion of the west coast had also 
been touched by Frobisher, ten years before Davis. 
Between 61° and 64° the west coast had never been 
seen since the time of the Scandinavians. From 64° 
up to 73° it had been surveyed by Davis in 1585, 
1586, and 1587. 

Davis Strait had first been crossed by the ancient 
Scandinavians, at a very remote period. It had again 
been discovered by Sebastian Cabot in 1517. The 
American side of Davis' Strait was known to the 
Scandinavians. Cabot also found it when he entered 
the strait in 1517. The shore between 64° and 
67° 30' is laid down upon his map. Davis had 
reached nearly the same latitude, at least within a 
degree. He had also explored the whole American 
coast down to 52°, had entered three of the inlets: 
Cumberland Inlet in 63° ; Davis' Inlet in bQ)" ; Ivuc- 
toke Inlet in 54° 30' ; he had also surveyed the 
mouths of Frobisher's and of Hudson's Straits. 

FroUshers Strait and the surrounding islands had 
been found by the seaman whose name the strait bears. 

Hudson s Strait had been discovered by Sebastian 
Cabot in 1498. The Portuguese had sailed through 
it and had become acquainted with part of Hudson's 
Bay between 1558 and 1569. In 1577 Frobisher 


had by chance entered the strait. In 1602 Wey- 
mouth had sailed nearly a hundred leagues into it, 
from Hatton's Headland to the neighbourhood of 
Hope's Advance Bay. 

The whole cast coast of North America from 38° 
north to the mouth of Hudson's Strait, had been 
surveyed by Sebastian Cabot in 1498, and part of 
it before, in 1497, by his father and him. Others 
had rediscovered various parts. Thus the east of 
Newfoundland had been explored by Cortereal in 
1501 ; the south coast, by some fishers from Nor- 
mandy and Brittany in 1504 and 1508. The mouth 
of the St. Lawrence had also been visited by Corte- 
real and by these French mariners. The river, nearly 
up to the lakes, and all the surrounding country, had 
been thoroughly explored by Jacques Cartier in 1534 
and 1535, and afterwards by Roberval and Cartier. 

The sandbanks near the mouth of the St. Latv- 
rence^ and the fishing stations along the Newfound- 
land coast, were frequented by the English, Portu- 
guese, French, and Spaniards. From the mouth of 
the St. Lawrence down to 38° of latitude various 
navigators had explored the coasts. Verazzano, in 
1524, sailed from latitude 34° to latitude 50°, always 
along the shore. Gomez, in 1525, explored the coast 
of Rhode Island, New York, and New Jersey. Both 
Verazzano and Gomez found the mouth of Hudson 
River. The Spaniards afterwards sailed along that 
shore, and marked some of its principal points as con- 
venient stations. Two of the islands along the same 
coast were also found ; Martha's Vineyard (which the 


ancient Scandinavians are also said to have visited) 
by Verazzano ; Nantucket by the Spaniards. 

It does not belong to our purpose to proceed any 
further. But we may observe, that on the west side 
of North America, the whole coast, from the isthmus 
up to 45°, had been explored by the Spaniards. It 
had also been satisfactorily ascertained that no strait 
or passage across America exists, between the Strait 
of Magellan and the regions of which we have spoken. 

When thus reviewing the labours of the early 
navigators, we may well admire the activity that had 
been displayed during the first century of modern 
exploration. We must not, however, suppose that 
these navigators had acquired a complete knowledge 
of the conformation of the coasts explored by them, 
and had communicated this knowledge to their con- 
temporaries, making it the common property of the 
civilized world. Had they been able and willing to 
do this, little would have been left for after times to 
accomplish. But their method and means of obser- 
vation were very different from those which have 
since been developed, and the narrow and selfish ten- 
dencies of the age led to secresy and isolation. The 
immediate results which they themselves obtained, 
though doubtless of the very greatest importance, were 
not nearly so satisfactory as would be imagined by any 
one not acquainted with the state of science in those 
times. The principal obstacle against which all the 
early geographers had to struggle, was the impossi- 
bility of observing longitudes. This difficulty has 
not even yet been completely conquered, and we find 


in this respect very considerable discrepancies between 
the surveys of different navigators of the present day. 
But in those times longitudes were hardly calculated 
at all. Many journals of early voyages, those of 
Hudson among others, do not contain a single indi- 
cation of longitudes. Davis made one or two calcu- 
lations of this kind ; yet even he committed such 
mistakes, that he was wrong by at least ten degrees. 
The nearest approach to correct longitudes is to be 
found in some of Sebastian Cabot's surveys. He 
himself affirmed that these calculations were based 
on his observations of the variation of the needle ; 
but his assertion can hardly be strictly true. His ex- 
perience, great though it was, cannot have furnished 
him with a sufficient number of facts to base upon 
them complete and satisfactory conclusions with re- 
gard to this absorbing question. As regards his sys- 
tem itself, he has left a few vague indications, which 
prove that he had observed the dip of the needle as 
well as its variation, and had tried to account for both. 
But how the system which he had formed could enable 
him to calculate the longitude of the mouth of Hud- 
son's Strait correctly, within one or two degrees, as he 
has done, cannot well be explained. Perhaps this 
correctness was obtained merely by chance. 

However this may be, Cabot certainly did not im- 
part any such knowledge to others, and even now the 
navigator is unable to ascertain longitudes by the 
variation and dip of the needle. As regards lati- 
tudes, the system of calculating them is so simple, 
that we find nearly correct observations made in the 


very earliest times. Still the imperfect state of the 
instruments which the early navigators made use of 
caused mistakes of several minutes to be committed in 
perhaps every instance. Errors even of half a degree 
can be distinctly proved. Besides, in the high lati- 
tudes, it was often for days impossible to make any 
observations, on account of the almost permanent 
clouds and fogs. Then we have only the dead reckon- 
ing left, which is perfectly unreliable in a region noted 
for its strong, varying, and often unaccountable cur- 
rents. These were not the only obstacles to correct 
geographical knowledge. The modern discoveries 
could only be regarded as improvements upon the 
ancient stock of information. The vague indications 
of classic and mediaeval writers had, as we have above 
stated, been made the foundation for geographical sys- 
tems, for maps and charts, in which as implicit faith 
was placed, in spite of mutual contradictions, as we 
now place in our best surveys. These medicEval de- 
lineations could not fail to exercise their influence on 
modern geography. There are also to be found, on 
the maps of the sixteenth century, such territories as 
the Island of Demons^ and other fantastic lands. From 
all these discordant elements, and under these dis- 
advantages, the maps that were current in Hudson's 
time had been made up. Before we enter upon our 
review of these delineations, we must state who were 
the men to whom they are due. 

The modern system of map making may be said 
to have originated in Belgium, about the year 1550. 
Jt is a combination of two different methods, both of 


"vvliich had sprung up during the memorable period 
"vvhich forms the transition from the middle ages to 
the modern era. The intellectual movement of that 
epoch had, among other new births, also produced the 
first majjs and the first charts. These two kinds of 
geographical delineations were, in the beginning, as 
different from each other as they both differed from 
the rude geographical drawings of the middle ages. 
The maps were the work of landsmen, the charts almost 
exclusively of seamen.^ There were also other con- 
siderable differences between the maps and charts. 
The maps answered purposes somewhat similar to 
those for which maps of towns are now designed. They 
were confined to limited tracts of country, and were 
intended to show the relative positions of well-known 
cities, villages, rivers, and mountains. Degrees of 
latitude and longitude were not strictly needed, and 
w-ere also not to be found in them. They were all 
isolated productions, without any connexion or har- 
mony among them. These maps had already be- 
come very numerous ; in 1570 nearly a hundred had 
been engraved ; many more were then probably in 
manuscript. The charts, on the contrary, embraced 
an immense expanse of sea and land. Few of them 
could be the isolated productions of single geogra- 
phers, for they necessarily were based on collections 
of various materials. In Portugal and Spain, the 
two principal countries to which we owe the import- 
ant early charts, the profession of making them was 

^ This observation, and some of the following details, are due 
to M. Lelewel's Geographie du Moyen Age. 


a privilege confined to a few highly placed indivi- 
duals, who were bound to secresy. They received 
from the arriving explorers such new communica- 
tions as might serve to correct the charts, and they 
made admirable use of their opportunities. Such men 
as Da la Cosa, Sebastian Cabot, E-ibeiro, Homem, are 
among the Spanish and Portuguese chart makers. 
Their position was similar to that now held by the 
hydrographers to the European and American admi- 
ralties. In France the position of chart maker seems 
not to have been an official one ; yet there are also 
some great names among those of the French who 
followed this occupation.^ These hydrographers of 
the sixteenth century were mostly seamen. Their 
works consist principally of two kinds, planispheres, 
and the so-called portolani. Both of them were still, 
in many parts, based upon the system of Ptolemy, 
of which they professed to be improvements. The 
planispheres were laid down upon somewhat uncer- 
tain principles of projection. The same may be said 
of the portolani, which corresponded in their charac- 
ter, and even, in some respects, in their execution, 
with the sea atlases which the Dutch produced in 
the seventeenth century. The portolani consist of 
several charts, the first of which generally are plani- 
spheres. Afterwards follow charts of single coun- 
tries, or of tracts of coast. Sometimes the soundings 

' The French charts have the merit of uniting the information 
furnished by various nations. They are, perhaps, more important 
than any other class as sources for the history of geography. Some 
interesting facts witli regard to early French charts are to be found 
in Mr. Major's recent work on Australia. 


are given. A history of geographical science may be 
traced by the comparison of these charts, which ex- 
ercised considerable influence upon each other. Most 
important in that respect are two delineations, of 
which we may be allowed to speak in some detail. 
The first of them is the planisphere of Diego Ribeiro, 
geographer to Charles V. This great work furnished 
the foundation for nearly all the later delineations 
of America. It was composed in 1529; an earlier 
draught of 1527 is also in existence; but there the 
outline of the New World is much less correct. In 
all the early charts which we have been able to com- 
pare with that of Hibeiro,^ America is either copied 
from it, with or without improvements, or at least 
large sections from Ribeiro are inserted. This is 
especially the case with regard to the neighbourhood 
of Hudson's River, a region laid down by Ribeiro 
from Estevan Gomez' survey, and which has been 
copied from him by all the early map makers whose 
works w^e have been able to confront with his plani- 
sphere, with the only exception of Lok, whose out- 
line of the same region is taken from a manuscript 
chart of Verazzano. 

The other chart we were going to speak of, that of 
Sebastian Cabot, is also a planisphere. It was first 
published in 1544, with a text in Latin and Spanish; 
afterwards again in 1549, with a reprint of the Latin 
text. Much later, probably after Cabot's death, a 
copy was made by Clement Adams, in which the 

' We have not been able to compare Sebastian Cabot's map 
Avith it. 


Latin text is corrupted, and a simple and not inele- 
gant style turned into a bombastic and unbearable 
one. If we can at all trust the descriptions given of 
some parts of that chart by Willes and Gilbert, the 
chart itself must likewise have been altered, for 
their details are in flat contradiction with the 1544 
edition, a copy of which is preserved in Paris. These 
alterations exercised a very considerable influence on 
the scheme of the north-western search, as we have 
had occasion to notice. The charts^ almost without 
exception, and especially those of Ribeiro and Cabot, 
have both latitudes and longitudes. Little reliance 
can be placed in the longitudes. 

It was by a combination of the early maps and the 
early charts, that some Belgian scholars of the six- 
teenth century founded the modern system of map 
making. Placed, as they were, in the centre of trade, 
and in a country eminent both in art and industry, 
they were best able to undertake this mission. The 
first notable man who distinguished himself in this 
manner was the Frisian Gemma, who passed nearly 
the whole of his life in Belgium. His works are, 
however, of no importance for our subject. Far 
more celebrated and of real importance for us, are 
his two great successors, Gerard Mercator and Abra- 
ham Ortelius, whose method, like that of Gemma, 
consisted in the combination and arrangement of the 
various geographical materials which they procured 
from all parts of Europe, paying an equal attention 
to charts and to maps. The works of OrtcHus and 
Mercator that come under our consideration, are the 


great planisphere, In mum navigantium, published by 
Mercator in 1569, and the maps of America and 
Asia, which form part of Ortelius' Orhis terrarum. 
first published in 1570. Of these we shall presently 
have occasion to speak. We must, however, first 
conclude our observations on the maps and charts 
available when Hudson sailed, by mentioning the 
last and most important class. Hudson's imme- 
diate predecessors in the arctic search, Frobisher, 
Davis, Linschoten and Barents, had, during their 
voyages, not only made the usual written notes, but 
had also made draughts of the coasts they had ex- 
plored. Frobisher's draught had been published 
with one of the accounts of his voyage. Davis' 
sketch had been inserted in the celebrated Molyneux 
globe, which is mentioned by Hakluyt, and of which 
there is still a copy in existence in the library of the 
Middle Temple. Linschoten's illustrations of Vai- 
gats Strait and southern Nova Zembla adorned his 
descriptions of the two first arctic voyages of the 
Dutch. Barents' chart of Nova Zembla appeared in 
the account of his voyages, and he seems also to have 
left a sketch of Spitzbergen, which Hondius after- 
wards made use of. 

Having now become familiar with the geographical 
delineations at Hudson's disposal, we are able to ex- 
amine them as it were with his own eyes, and to see 
what he found in them. In doing so we shall avail 
ourselves of the two charts in the present work, 
the one of which was drawn by Jodocus Hondius in 
1611, the other by Hudson himself in 1610 and 1611. 


They do not embrace all the coasts which we shall 
have to travel over, and we must, for the rest, refer the 
reader to other sources. As far as the two charts do 
reach, they furnish a true and plastic expression of 
Hudson's geographical notions. 

Hudson's ideas, as far at least as they are known, 
were all concentrated on the search for a short north- 
ern route to China. If we, therefore, wish to identify 
ourselves with him in examining the geographical 
delineations that were at his disposal, we must, in 
doing so, always keep in view the chances of a north- 
eastern or north-western passage, which these maps 
and charts seemed to promise. AVe must principally 
bear in mind that both the north-eastern and the 
north-western passage are in reality impracticable, 
and that only mistaken notions with regard to the 
conformation of the arctic shores could lead to hopes 
of realizing these schemes. 

When we compare the chart of Hondius in our 
collection with a modern map, we find nowhere 
greater discrepancies than in the nortli-east. These 
discrepancies are the worthier of notice, as they ex- 
actly represent Hudson's mistakes, and explain why 
he tliought the north-eastern passage possible. Hon- 
dius' delineation of those parts is so erroneous, that 
a minute comparison with a modern map could not 
be seriously undertaken. The two most striking 
errors are, however, these. He places, in latitude 
73°, a promontory called Cape Tahln^ for the exist- 
ence of which, according to Hondius' statement, 
Pliny is the only authority. Hondius adds, that the 


real situation of Cape Tabin is unknown, and that 
its existence is improbable. " According to the most 
recent information," says he, " that has been brought 
from China, it seems Hkely that Asia does not reach 
farther northward than to the fiftieth degree of lati- 
tude." Now, in reality, there are two capes close to 
each other in the region where Cape Tabin is here 
placed, namely. Cape Taimur, about 75° 30', and Cape 
Severo-Yostochnoi, about 78°. .The whole north coast 
of Siberia, with the only exception of its most east- 
ern part, lies above the seventieth degree of latitude. 
So there is in Hondius' estimates a mistake of twenty- 
eight degrees as regards the most northern point, and 
a mistake of twenty degrees as regards the general 
line of coast of Siberia. 

Hudson's mistakes with respect to these regions 
were perhaps not so exaggerated. His ideas were 
most probably in conformity with those of Mercator 
and Ortelius, who place Cape Tabin even farther 
north than Cape Taimur really lies. Beyond Cape 
Tabin there is, however, even in their maps, no 
serious obstacle for an eastward bound vessel. The 
coast slopes rapidly southwards to Japan and China, 
and the whole difficulty of the north-eastern passage 
seems therefore conquered when once Cape Tabin is 
passed. This notion, which is almost as erroneous 
as that which Hondius entertained, was undoubtedly 
shared by Hudson.^ 

The second glaring mistake consists in the erro- 

' Hudson calls Cape Tahin the North Cape of Tartary ; Ortelius 
calls it Promontorium Svythicum. See p. 36, note 1. 


neous situation of the mouth of the Ohij. This river 
was generally considered as a kind of first stage in 
the north-eastern search, and to reach or pass it was 
justly thought a great achievement. Now Linschoten 
and his companions had spread the erroneous notion 
that the mouth of the Oby is situated in the bottom of 
Kara Bay, at a small distance from the south of 
Nova Zembla. The mouth of the Oby seemed, there- 
fore, to be in a recess, which need not be touched by 
the navigator on his way to the east. This error has 
been adopted by Hondius. Hudson also shared it, 
as appears clearly from an observation in the de- 
scription of his second voyage.^ 

The place where the Oby empties itself into the 
Arctic Ocean lies, however, in reality three or four 
degrees eastward from the Sea of Kara, and five de- 
grees farther north than the bottom of that sea. It 
is separated from the Kara Sea by a peninsula, which 
none of the early navigators was able to double, al- 
though many attempted it. One of the most difficult 
parts of the road to the east was thus suppressed in 
the intelligence which Hudson received. Had he 
known how much the geographers were mistaken with 
regard to these two points, he would scarcely have 
wasted so much of his energies on his hopeless under- 

We now leave the extreme east of Hondius' map 
and proceed westward. We arrive at the northern 
shore of Russia^ the outline of which Hondius seems 
to have borrowed from Ortclius, who again had ob- 

' P. 36, the passage to which note 1 refers. 


tained it from one of the early maps we have been 
speaking of. This outline, though of course faulty, 
is yet far from being so incorrect as to give rise to 
serious errors. Hudson, moreover, never visited this 

To the north of the Russian coast we perceive, on 
Hondius' chart, the Nova Zemhla group. We have 
already called attention to the fact, that the ice in the 
Sea of Kara had prevented the exploration of the 
greater part of the east coast of Nova Zembla. This 
explains the want of a coast line on that side.^ There 
are, besides, some other momentous defects in this 
delineation, which is a reduced copy of the above- 
mentioned chart of Nova Zembla left by Willem 
Barents. The principal defect is that Nova Zembla 
appears as one island, not as a group of islands with 
straits between them. The frozen straits north and 
south of Matthew's Land are not even indicated. 
Burrough's Strait appears as a bay (St. Laurent's 
Bay.) On the other hand a real bay, that of Kostin 
Shar (here called Kostintsarck) looks like a partly 
explored strait. - If we would understand Hudson's 
second voyage, we must not lose sight of the fact that 
he used this outline of the Nova Zembla coast, which 
had found its way not only into the most approved 
Dutch, but also into the most accredited English 
geographical draughts, such as, for instance, the cele- 
brated Molyneux globe. It appeared to Hudson that 
there were only three chances of passing Nova Zem- 
bla, namely, by the north, by the south, and, perhaps^ 
^ This coast line has not even yet been completed. 


through Kostin Shar. Knowing how often the at- 
tempts in the two former directions had failed, he 
tried a search in the third direction, and then found 
Barents' mistake. "We may, perhaps, here say that, in 
pointing out the errors of Barents which misled Hud- 
son, we do not intend to blame the great Dutch navi- 
gator. The mistakes were unavoidable, as must be 
seen by any one who has read the narrative of his 
voyages ; and it is not certain whether the chart 
which we have been commenting upon is the work 
of Barents or that of De Veer. 

Proceeding farther to the west, on Hondius' chart 
we fall in with two islands, Matsfjn, in 75°, and 
Willouglibif s Land^ in 72°. Neither of these islands 
has a real existence. They are, as it were, delu- 
sive duplicates of Matthew's Land and Nova Zem- 
bla proper, two of the islands of the Nova Zembla 
group. These duplicates owe their origin to a 
delusion, which the impossibility of calculating longi- 
tudes necessarily engendered. It was, in fact, un- 
avoidable, that sometimes, at least, the same coast 
should appear twice in the same map, once farther 
east, once farther west, though in the same latitude. 
For how could it be proved that two points, both under 
nearly the same degree, that had been touched by 
two different vessels, really belonged to the same 
shore \ Matsyn Island is thus nothing more than a 
western repetition, a DopjJclgangcr^ as Germans would 
say, of Matthew's Land. The latitude is identical, 
so is also the name. Matsyn is a corruption of the 
Kussian Malhiiyshiii (Matthew's). It does not clearly 


appear when Matsyn Island was first introduced into 
maps and charts. 

Willoiighhi/'s Land is even with greater certainty to 
be considered a kind of western duplicate of Nova 
Zembla Proper. This has been proved over and over 
again by recent writers, the most satisfactorily by 
Mr. Rundall.^ On the chart which Hudson used 
during his second voyage, Willoughby's Land seems 
to have been laid down in tlie same latitude as it is 
here, but somewhat nearer to the coast of Nova Zem- 
bla. Hudson had some doubts with regard to the 
correctness of this information, but he was certainly 
very far from imagining how extraordinary a theory 
would soon spring up, to be made use of in a note to 
his words in the printed copy of his journal. " Wil- 
loughby's Land," says Purchas in his note, " a con- 
ceit of cardmakers, it seeming to be no other than 
Newland."^ Purchas is as much mistaken as the 
cardmakers. The idea that the country discovered by 
Willoughby in 1553 is Newland (Spitzbergen), did 
not, however, originate with Purchas. Its origin 
must be placed between the years 1608 and 1613. 
At the time of Hudson's second voyage, in 1608, a 
notion similar to the one expressed on Hondius' 
chart still prevailed in England. In 1613 the new 
notion that Willoughby had discovered Spitzbergen 
had already become the foundation of the claim of 
the Muscovy Company to the exclusive right of fish- 

1 Introduction to his Voyages to the North -ivest, edited for the 
Hakluyt Society, pp. i-viii. 

- P. 40, and marginal note to the same page, Newland is Spitz- 


ing along the Spitzbergen coast. The precise date 
when the discovery was invented seems to have been 
the year 1612, and its inventor^ a man named Daniel, 
perhaps (?) the poet and historian, Samuel Daniel. 

To the west of the Russian coast we find on Hon- 
dius' chart the northern parts of Scandinavia. No 
better proof of the progress which geography had 
already made could possibly be offered. This nearly 
correct outline is a combination of various sources, 
maps and charts. The following points on the shore 

^ Willoughby's pretended discovery was got up to furnish a 
sufficient ground for the English claim to the exclusive possession 
of the Spitzbergen fisheries. The abundance of morses and whales 
near Spitzbergen bad been first pointed out by Hudson in 1607. 
Three years afterwards, in 1610, Poole went there to fish for 
morses. In the following year, 1611, Edge founded the whale 
fisheries. In 1612 the Dutch made their appearance at these 
fisheries to have their share in them. In 1613 the English Mus- 
covy Company obtained a royal charter excluding all others, natives 
and foreigners, from the Spitzbergen fisheries, on the ground of 
Willoughby's pretended discovery. There is every reason to be- 
lieve that the discovery had been invented for the occasion. The 
following circumstance points to Daniel as the inventor. In the 
celebrated Dutch collection of voyages. Begin ende Voorfgang von 
de Oost Indische Compagnie, there is a copy of a map of Spitz- 
bergen by Daniel, published in London in 1612. Now the Dutch 
writers, Hessel Gerritz and Peter Plancius, replied in 1613 to some 
English work where the discovery of Spitzbergen by Willoughby 
Avas maintained ; and it is therefore but natural to suppose, that 
the map of Spitzbergen of 1612, and the book or writing replied 
to by the Dutch, had both the same author, namely, Daniel. How- 
soever this may be, it is certain that the idea originated between 
Hudson's second voyage (1608) and 1613. Samuel Daniel died 
in 1619. He is not known to have written about Spitzbergen, nor 
about any similar subject. 


deserve particular notice : Wardhuys (AVardhuus) in 
Lapland ; the North Kien and North Cape, the two 
most northern points ; Sanien, an island in latitude 
69°, which is here placed in latitude 70' (it is gene- 
rally called Seynam by the early navigators) ; Loifoct, 
one of the group of islands which we now call Lof- 
foden Islands, probably from a generalization of the 
name, which at first belonged only to one of them. 
All these places are mentioned in Hudson's log- 

North of Scandinavia we find Bear Island, and to 
the north of Bear Island, Nieuland (Spitzbergen). 
Bear Island, or t'Beeren Island, as it is here called, 
was discovered by Barents in 1590, and visited by 
Stephen Bennett in 1603. Bennett, claiming a new 
discovery, gave it a new name, and called it Cherie's 
Island, after his patron, Francis Cherie. Under the 
latter name it is known to Hudson. 

The relative position of Bear Island and Spitzbergen 
is faulty. Bear Island ought to have been farther east. 
The error has arisen from a mistake made by Barents 
and Ryp in estimating the course they were sailing. 
The same mistake has also found its way into the de- 
scription of their voyage, and has induced Dr. Beke 
and Mr. Petermann to ascribe to them the circumna- 
vigation of Spitzbergen. 

The delineation of Spitzbergen on Hondius' map is, 
for our purpose, the most important part of it, and for a 
double reason. A number of passages in the logbook 
of Hudson's first voyage, prove that he made use of 
a chart of Spitzbergen. The country had, up to 1607, 



been visited only once, namely, by Barents and Ryp 
in 1596 ; and we have therefore cause to think that 
there existed but one chart of it, and that Hudson's 
chart must have been like the one M'hich Hondius 
has copied. The second point of interest is still 
stronger. Some of Hudson's own discoveries have 
been introduced into this part of Hondius' map ; 
namely, Colin's Cape, Hakluyt's Headland, part of 
the northern shore of Spitzbergen, and the great ice 
barrier between Spitzbergen and Greenland. There 
is so much vagueness and error in the way in which 
the information received from Hudson has been em- 
bodied in the map, that the communication between 
him and Hondius must have been merely oral. The 
outline itself embraces but the western and part 
of the northern shore of Spitzbergen. It is correct 
enough in its general features, but sadly defective in 
its details. Charles' Island, the western foreland, 
seems to form part of the mainland. The strait be- 
tween the two lands is represented as a bay. These 
two principal mistakes had alone a considerable influ- 
ence on Hudson's explorations. It would be an 
ungrateful task to dwell on the numerous minor defi- 

In the south-western corner of Hondius' chart we 
find Denmark^ Holland, part of England and Scotland, 
the Shetland and the Faroer Islands. They are all 
drawn with approximative accuracy. The ftiults 
which do exist in their position and outlines had no 
influence on Hudson's movements. 

We now arrive at the north-western border of 


Hondius' chart. The same coasts that we find there 
are also drawn on the chart of Henry Hudson. Hud- 
son's chart is only by a few months later than the 
one of Hondius, and yet the improvements are very 
great. They are mostly due to Hudson's last voyage, 
during which the chart was laid down. Nowhere, 
indeed, were improvements more urgently needed. 
Hondius' draught of these north-western parts is 
combined from the most incongruous materials. It 
represents, however, the geographical dogma of the 
age, and agrees with the notions which Hudson him- 
self entertained before his own explorations procured 
him better insight. It is impossible to understand 
the meaning of these indications, and their influence 
on Henry Hudson, without throwing a cursory glance 
over the past history of the geography of those regions. 
This history is so curious that it deserves, on its own 
account, the reader's attention. 

We have before observed that many arctic shores 
had been visited by the ancient Scandinavians, and 
that colonies had been founded in Iceland and Green- 
land. The Iceland colony still exists. The Green- 
land settlements, however, on the eastern side of the 
sreat arctic continent have not been visited for cen- 
turies, and the last descendants of the ancient colo- 
nists are likely to have perished many long years ago. 
Still there is some exaggeration in the prevailing 
opinion, that no communication between those parts 
and the rest of Europe has taken place since the end 
of the fourteenth century. There is reason to think 
that down to the first half of the sixteenth century 


the shore of East Greenland was occasionally visited 
by the Scandinavians. The testimony which tends 
to prove these occasional visits has the appearance of 
being reliable. That intercourse was entirely limited 
to Scandinavians. The rest of Europe was little 
acquainted with the existence of the arctic coun- 
tries, and it is only in much later times that 
accurate accounts of the early northern discoveries 
were introduced into the general stock of European 
knowledge. But these great facts could not, even 
during the middle ages, remain entirely hidden. 
Various rumours respecting Greenland reached the 
south of Europe before the end of the fifteenth cen- 
tury. Their influence on the geographical deline- 
ations of the arctic regions and on early expedi- 
tions was very considerable. By far the most im- 
portant geographical communication of this kind is 
the celebrated chart which was jiublished with the 
account of the voyage of the brothers Zeni. Every 
reader of geographical researches knows that, in 
1558, a small volume was published in Venice, con- 
taining a most romantic narrative of the voyage of 
two Venetian brothers, belonging to the great Zeni 
family. They are reported to have visited, in 1887, 
several arctic countries, among which Frisland^ En- 
groneland^ Iceland, and Estoiiland are the most notable. 
This curious book was, as we have said, accompanied 
by a chart, on which the above-mentioned countries 
were drawn. The original of that chart was in ex- 
istence at a recent period, and it is certain that it 
was an old portolano belonging to the Zeno archives. 


On its origin, as well as that of the book, and the 
authenticity of both, various conflicting opinions 
have been advanced, and defended with very consi- 
derable learning and ingenuity. No very satisfactory 
result has as yet been obtained. For our purpose 
this question of authenticity is entirely unavailing. 
"What, however, deserves our most serious considera- 
tion is this. The Zeni chart, whether authentic or 
not, exhibits a far better outline of Greenland and 
Iceland than any other known map published or 
drawn before 1558. 

The Zeni chart was of Scandinavian origin. It 
has never been, and, indeed, cannot be, considered 
as a mere fiction. Of this the reader of the present 
volume has the proof before his eyes. Nearly the whole 
north-western part of Hondius' map is exacthj copied 
from the chart of the Zeni. On comparing, especially 
the outline of Greenland with a modern map of that 
country, the reader will be struck with surprise at 
the accuracy of the ancient delineation. If the Zeni 
chart be really a work of the fourteenth century, 
the delineation of Greenland upon it can, without 
hesitation, be pronounced the best geographical 
drawing that was then in existence. AVhen examin- 
ing this remarkable production, we are strongly re- 
minded of the narratives of modern explorers, in 
which the wonderful capacity of the Esquimaux for 
tracing the courses of rivers and the lines of a coast 
is extolled. To this source we probably owe, of 
course indirectly, the outline of Greenland on the 
Zeno chart. This outline has been found sufficientlv 


accurate to serve as a basis for later improvements, 
and on it all modern maps of the country are founded. 
Some parts of the east coast are even now drawn on 
all maps from the medigeval survey, having never 
since been approached. But the old Zeni chart seems 
to have been a compilation made up from materials 
of very unequal value. The outline of Iceland is in- 
ferior to that of Greenland. Frisland is so strangely 
drawn, that only the name of the country and of 
some places upon it, and the fact that no other 
country can be meant, have led geographers to iden- 
tify it with the Faroer Islands. The relative posi- 
tion of these countries, and their position also with 
relation to Scandinavia, Britain, and Iceland, is ex- 
tremely defective. When the Zeni chart was pub- 
lished, degrees of longitude and latitude were to be 
found upon it. They had not been on the original, 
and had, according to the opinion of a most compe- 
tent judge, Mr. Lelewel, been but recently introduced. 
These degrees added very considerably to the errors of 
the chart. The influence of the new source of mistake 
was, however, less strong in some parts, stronger iu 
others. Iceland is but one degree too far north. 
Frisland, however, is entirely out of its place. The 
southern point of Greenland is in latitude 65°, instead of 
latitude 60°. This last mistake has had such singular 
consequences that too much attention cannot be paid 
to it. 

The chart of the Zeni, such as it was, was received 
as perfectly authentic by all contemporary geogra- 
phers. Ortelius and Mercator made use of it. It is 


also expressly stated that Frobisher took it with him 
on his north-western voyages. He was, by means of 
this chart, led into great mistakes. He fell in with 
Greenland, the 4th of July, 1577, and the 20th of 
June, 1578, both times under about 61°. Having but 
the Zeni chart to guide him, he could not suppose 
that the country was Greenland. He mistook it for 
Frisland, and put down, in 1577, after four days 
exploration, that the coast and the chart agreed very 
well. This he further confirmed the next year, and 
Frisland had in this manner acquired a legitimate 

Davis also fell in with Greenland in 61°. He at 
once recognized that this was not Frisland. But 
having no reason to think that this country, which 
was several degrees farther south than the Engrone- 
land of the Zeni chart, was really identical with it, 
he considered it as his own new discovery, and called 
it Desolation. We have seen, in the narrative of his 
voyage, that his course along the Greenland shore 
was always nearly the same. He first approached 
the coast near the southern promontory, then left it, 
and again approached it under 64°. He seems never 
to have been conscious of the continuity of coast 
between the 62nd and 64th degree. He therefore 
considered Desolation as an Island south of Grone- 

Another source of mistakes, furnished by the 
vagueness of Frobisher's accounts, enabled Davis to 
give the finishing stroke to this singular web of 
errors. The finished picture has been copied into 


accurate to serve as a basis for later improvements, 
and on it all modern maps of the country are founded. 
Some parts of the east coast are even now drawn on 
all maps from the mediseval survey, having never 
since been approached. But the old Zeni chart seems 
to have been a compilation made up from materials 
of very unequal value. The outline of Iceland is in- 
ferior to that of Greenland. Frisland is so strangely 
drawn, that only the name of the country and of 
some places upon it, and the fact that no other 
country can be meant, have led geographers to iden- 
tify it with the Faroer Islands. The relative posi- 
tion of these countries, and their position also with 
relation to Scandinavia, Britain, and Iceland, is ex- 
tremely defective. When the Zeni chart was pub- 
lished, degrees of longitude and latitude were to be 
found upon it. They had not been on the original, 
and had, according to the opinion of a most compe- 
tent judge, Mr. Lelewel, been but recently introduced. 
These degrees added very considerably to the errors of 
the chart. The influence of the new source of mistake 
was, however, less strong in some parts, stronger iu 
others. Iceland is but one degree too far north. 
Frisland, however, is entirely out of its place. The 
southern 'point of Greenland is in latitude 65°, instead of 
latitude 60°. This last mistake has had such singular 
consequences that too much attention cannot be paid 
to it. 

The chart of the Zeni, such as it was, was received 
as perfectly authentic by all contemporary geogra- 
phers. Ortelius and Mercator made use of it. It is 


also expressly stated that Frobisher took it with him 
on his north-western voyages. He was, by means of 
this chart, led into great mistakes. He fell in with 
Greenland, the 4th of July, 1577, and the 20th of 
June, 1578, both times under about 61°. Having but 
the Zeni chart to guide him, he could not suppose 
that the country was Greenland. He mistook it for 
Frisland^ and put down, in 1577, after four days 
exploration, that the coast and the chart agreed very 
well. This he further confirmed the next year, and 
Frisland had in this manner acquired a legitimate 

Davis also fell in with Greenland in 61°. He at 
once recognized that this was not Frisland. But 
having no reason to think that this country, which 
was several degrees farther south than the Engrone- 
land of the Zeni chart, was really identical with it, 
he considered it as his own new discovery, and called 
it Desolation. We have seen, in the narrative of his 
voyage, that his course along the Greenland shore 
was always nearly the same. He first approached 
the coast near the southern promontory, then left it, 
and again approached it under 64°. He seems never 
to have been conscious of the continuity of coast 
between the 62nd and 64th degree. He therefore 
considered Desolation as an Island south of Grone- 

Another source of mistakes, furnished by the 
vagueness of Frobisher's accounts, enabled Davis to 
give the finishing stroke to this singular web of 
errors. The finished picture has been copied into 


Hondius' chart from the great Molyneux globe, where 
it was first drawn by Davis. On both delineations 
we find, to the south of Groneland, a strait, and to the 
south of that strait the Island of Desolation. The 
strait is called Frobisher's Fret, and on both sides of 
it are marked the places which Frobisher had ex- 
plored. So Frobisher's Strait had been carried to 
Greenland, and was now leading from the Atlantic 
into Davis' Strait.^ This egregious mistake had been 
committed by one of the greatest arctic explorers. 
Can it be wondered at that Hudson, when sailing 
along the east coast of Greenland in 63° N., believed 
himself to be athwart Frobisher's Strait X 

This, then, is the shape in which Greenland ap- 
peared. Between 60° and 62° the Island of Desola- 
tion ; between 62° and 63° Frobisher's Strait, leading 
from the Atlantic to Davis' Strait ; from 63° to 75°, 
the Engroneland of the Zeni. Close to Engroneland, 
Iceland. West of Desolation, Frisland. We have 
here again the same country (South Greenland) laid 
down twice, from modern exploration alone ; as 
Frisland from Frobisher's, as Desolation from Davis' 
survey. South Greenland, moreover, appears a third 
time as the south of Engroneland, from the misunder- 
stood medieeval survey of the Scandinavians. 

We must now again refer to the Zeni chart. 
Hondius has not copied the whole of it. In the 

^ There can be no doubt as to the real locality of Frobisher's 
Strait, which is where modern majis place it. Every doubt must 
be removed by a comparison of Best's delineation of the strait with 
Ortclius' map of America. 


original delineation, the coast of Engroneland stretches 
far eastward, to those regions where Hudson's ice bar- 
rier and where the Spitzbergen islands are situated. 
The discoverers of Spitzbergen w^ere thus induced to 
think that theirs was no new discovery ; but that they 
had simply touched a part of the Greenland or Engrone- 
land which they found indicated on their charts. Ac- 
cordingly, they called these coasts Greenland. Hudson, 
who made use of a Dutch chart of Spitzbergen, pre- 
served the appellations, which soon became general ; 
though two other names were also received, vSpitz- 
bergen and Newland, or King James his Newland. 
The two former names, Greenland and Spitzbergen, 
are still applied to the group. As to the real, or 
western Greenland, Hudson designates it by a name 
nearly identical with the Engroneland of the Zeni 
map. He calls it Groneland. We cannot understand 
his logbooks without bearing in mind that this Grone- 
land is Greenland ; whilst his Greenland is Spitz- 

To the south-east of Frisland, we meet on Hudson's 
chart Bus Island^ the offspring of an illusion different 
from those which have occupied us so long. The 
Busse of Bridgewater, one of Frobisher's ships, had 
met in latitude 57° one of the immense icefields which 
annually drift out of Davis' Strait. Mistaking it for 
an island, they had given it the name of Busse 
island. For this country both Hudson and John 
Knight sought in vain. 

When we round the southern point of Greenland 
and arrive on the western side, we pass from illusions, 


conjectures, and misunderstandings, to good, though 
perhaps not yet entirely accurate, knowledge. The 
southern part of Greenland, up to 61°; and, again, 
the west coast between 64° and 73°, had been explored 
by Davis, and drawn by him for the Molyneux globe. 
From this globe, or from other copies of Davis' survey, 
the outline of these shores had passed into all good 
maps and charts. These shores appeared to Hudson in 
the almost correct shape which Davis had given them. 
The same maybe said with regard to the American side 
of Davis' Strait, from 66° southwards. The mouths 
of the inlets, and the configuration of Cumberland 
Strait, especially, are drawn with great accuracy 
on the Molyneux globe. Hudson's Strait, which 
Hudson had then not yet explored, is by Davis called 
The furious overfall ; an allusion to the currents in its 
mouth, which he likens to streams of water, violently 
rushing through the arches of a bridge. Frobisher's 
Strait is called Lumley's Inlet; for Davis thought 
that the real Strait of Martin Frobisher cut off 
Desolation from Greenland. Both these names, The 
furious overfall, and Lumley's Inlet, are to be found in 
Hudson's logbooks. 

We would now gladly pass over all the other 
maps and charts of these regions which were at 
Hudson's disposal. But we must allude to two of 
them, which undoubtedly exercised some influence 
on his thoughts, namely, Cabot's planisphere and 
Ortelius' America. Of neither of these could we give 
a full idea by mere description. But the leading 
features can easily be described. Two points are to 


be noticed in Ortelius' map of America. The first is 
the great fact which we have repeatedly mentioned 
— the fact that Hudson s Bay is dratvn upon that 
map, — very imperfectly, it is true, but still clearly 
enough to convince contemporaries of its existence 
and later times of its anterior exploration. It is 
called by Ortelius Baia dos Medaos. Out of it leads, 
to the northward, into a broad western passage, a 
wide strait or stream, called Rio de Tormenta. The 
passage itself runs out into the Pacific, very nearly 
under the same degree where the western mouth of 
the real north-west passage is situated. This, how- 
ever, has its origin in a singularly happy guess. No 
vessel had ever approached so high a latitude. AVe 
may, perhaps, also mention that Grocland, the 
Greenland of John of Kolno, is, by Ortelius, drawn 
as an island in the north-west passage. 

As to Cabot's planisphere, two facts only need be 
mentioned. Part of the western shore of Davis' 
Strait was drawn upon it, even up to a higher lati- 
tude than Davis himself had reached on the Ameri- 
can side of his strait. Further, it appears that in the 
adulterated copy of Cabot's map, which Clement 
Adams had caused to be engraved, Hudson's Strait 
was indicated as a passage across America, opening 
into the Pacific under about 40° or 45°. One of these 
adulterated maps was, in Hudson's time, hung up 
in Whitehall Gallery. It had been seen there in 
Elizabeth's reign by Hakluyt, and was afterwards 
inspected by Purchas. Attention had so frequently 
been drawn to this celebrated planisphere, by Gil- 


bert, Haklayt, and others, that a man like Hudson 
would not lose the opportunity of examining it. 

The coasts oT Lahrador, Neivfoundland^ Canada^ 
Nova Scotia, and Netv Brunswick were, on the maps 
and charts of this period, laid down from Portuguese 
and French surveys. The importance of these shores 
consisted alone in the codfisheries. Great attention 
was therefore paid to the sandbanks and shoals, 
many of which had French names. The term of Neiu- 
foundland (Terre Neuve, Terra Nova) was somewhat 
vaguely applied to most of these fisheries. Juet, 
Hudson's companion in the third voyage, applies it 
to a part of coast as far south as 43° 20'. 

The New England shore was drawn by Ortelius 
from a very imperfect Spanish delineation, into which 
some French materials had been introduced, alto- 
gether a most unsatisfactory combination. Hudson 
does not seem to have had a better chart at his dis- 
posal, although Juet, his companion, makes mention 
of Gosnold's voyage (1602), The very terms in which 
he speaks of it prove how vague was his knowledge. 
Finally, as regards the shores in the immediate neigh- 
bourhood of Hudson's river, we have repeatedly 
stated that they had been drawn by Estevan Gomez, 
copied by Ribero, and, from Ribero, with additions 
by other geographers. From such a copy, probably 
from a French compilation, Ortelius' outline of the 
region is taken. This process of copying from copies, 
which is known to be dangerous to pictures, could 
not fail to exercise a bad infiuence on geographical 
drawings ; especially at that period, where all the 


methods of mapmaking were yet in their infancy. 
Such is, in fact, the case here. The neighbourhood 
of Hudson's river on Ortelius' map is in outline, lati- 
tude and longitude so incorrect, that it requires the 
comparison with the sources and a knowledge of its 
history to convince us that it is based on a careful 
survey. It could offer no assistance to the navigator 
who proceeded to these coasts, and the whole labour 
of exploration had again to be undergone. 

Hudson seems to have had at his disposal another 
chart of the same region, which is not by any means 
of greater accuracy, though also, and more directly, 
based on an original survey. In Hakluyt's Divers 
Voyages, is to be found a planisphere, drawn by 
Michael Lok, the well known geographer, who aided 
Frobisher with money and advice. This planisphere 
is partly based on the explorations of Verazzano, 
whose original chart of these coasts had fallen into 
Lok's hands. Verazzano had been in England after 
his great voyage of discovery ; and is supposed to 
have joined the two vessels sent out from here in 
1527, as we have had occasion to observe. A copy 
of Lok's planisphere is to be found in Mr. J. Winter 
Jones' edition of Hakluyt's Divers Voyages. 

Lok's chart has one very remarkable feature. The 
continent of America appears, in the neighbourhood 
of Hudson's river, as a mere strip of land, on the other 
side of which the broad Pacific opens. Had Lok 
heard of the great Canadian lakes, or had such 
information even reached Verazzano \ This singular 
notion, wliatever its origin may have been, seems to 


have led to Hudson's voyage along these shores, and 
to the discovery of Hudson's river. 

We have now concluded the geographical review 
of the coasts which Hudson visited, and have shown 
how they appeared to him and to his contemporaries, 
before his own explorations increased the stock of 
knowledge, and rectified some of the numerous errors. 
We have only two more observations to add to this 
part of our subject. 

The continuity of the American coast from 35° N. 
down to the strait of Magellan, was an undoubted 
and long established fact. The search for a strait 
must, therefore, be confined to the parts north of 35° 
on the eastern side. On the western side an accurate 
search had been made by the Spaniards, up to 45° 
N., and no strait from west to east had been dis- 
covered. A vague rumour was current, that some- 
where in the north the A merican and the Asiatic shore 
are separated merely by a strait. This notion, which 
later explorations have confirmed, had its origin in a 
misinterpretation of a passage of Marco Polo. The 
celebrated Strait of Anian, which has been identified 
with the real strait of Cook and Behring, was originally 
a mere delusion. It was placed much too far south- 
ward ; and the Spanish explorations along the 
western coast of North America, caused Hondius to 
doubt whether there really was a Strait of Anian. 
Some geographers, however, (Frobisher among them), 
entertained the very curious notion that the arctic 
parts of America formed a continuation of Asia, so 
that the Pacific ran out into a bay on its nortliern 


side. Frobisher and his companions thought, that 
Frobisher's Strait, which they identified with the 
Strait of Anian, divided America from Europe. 

In the foregoing pages of this introduction, such 
explanations have been furnished to the reader as 
will enable him to estimate the value of the journals 
in which Hudson's doings are recorded. An attempt 
has also been made to explain the antiquated 
geographical terms and notions which are to be found 
in these journals, so as to render them fully in- 
telligible to the student of the present day. We 
might then consider our task as performed. But 
the fragmentary nature of the intelligence which we 
have collected, makes it binding upon us to assist 
the reader in arranging these fragments, and to clear 
away for him the difficulties which may arise from 
their mutual contradictions. We have, besides, 
some minor points to examine, and to gather those 
few biographical details which are scattered here and 
there in our sources. These are the objects to which 
the last pages of our introduction will be devoted. 
To give some kind of unity to these various inquiries, 
we are going to connect them as much as possible 
with Hudson's life. Still we would request the 
reader not to mistake these last pages for an intended 
biography of Henry Hudson. 

The records which we have collected embrace 
Hudson's career, from the 19th of April, 1607, four 
days previous to his departure on the first north- 
eastern voyage, to the 21st of June, 1611, when he 
was exposed in an open skiff on the inland sea which 


he had explored. His ultimate fate, concerning 
which but too little doubt can exist, has not been 
witnessed by human beings that lived to relate it. 
We know still less of his birth than of his death. 
His doings before the 19th of April, 1607, his family 
connections, his social position, are equally unknown 
to us. Of his private life we learn but one fact, 
namely, that a son of his, a boy named John, accom- 
panied him on his voyages and died with him the 
same cruel death. The name which he has made 
illustrious is not uncommon either among the higher 
or the lower classes of this country. Though not borne 
by any one of the great territorial families, it belongs 
to a number of persons of good estate, especially in 
the northern counties. There are clergymen of the 
name of Hudson in almost every county in England. 
We have no means of knowing whether Henry Hud- 
son himself was a gentleman by nature only, or also 
by birth. He is repeatedly called " JNIaster Henry 
Hudson" in the logbooks ; this would mean as much 
as " Henry Hudson, Esquire," does in our days, were 
it used of any one but a seaman. But in Hudson's 
case it may, and probably does, mean "Captain Henry 
Hudson." The whole question is, however, so trivial, 
that it is scarcely worth the space we have devoted 
to it, and it need not even be regretted that our sources 
leave it without an answer. 

When we say that no event of Hudson's career, 
before the year 1607, is known, we put entirely 
aside the testimony of Adrian van der Donck. This 
author relates some events of our navigator's life, 


Avhich, if they were true, must have taken place 
before 1607 ; namely, a prolonged residence in Hol- 
land, and several years service on board Dutch vessels. 
But we have above shown that Van der Donck's 
account contains a whole tissue of idle inventions, 
put forward to prove the Dutch title to New Nether- 
land, and that the notice here alluded to is probably 
among the number of these inventions. 

Hudson's first real appearance on the scene is in 
1607. The position in which we first meet him was a 
most honourable one. He was, in 1607, a captain in 
the service of the Muscovy Company, an association 
distinguished by the high aims it pursued, the 
services it had rendered to the country, and the 
eminence of the men who commanded its vessels. 
This company still bore the stamp impressed upon it 
by Sebastian Cabot. The evils against which the aid 
of Cabot's genius had once been invoked, had indeed 
long since been removed. There was now no fear of 
the privileges of the Hanse, nor any languor in 
English commerce. The vast enterprise of the 
Muscovy Company itself, and other similar under- 
takings for w^hich that company had served as the 
model, were carrying England rapidly forward in that 
glorious career, in which she was destined to outstrip 
all other nations. The company had wisely adhered 
to Cabot's precepts. All their enterprise was still 
directed towards that quarter of the globe with which 
the name of Cabot is so intimately bound up, namely, 
the north. They had not even renounced the idea 
of finding a short northern route to China, although 


the ample returns of the East India Company which 
traded by the ordinary route, rendered that discovery 
less urgently desirable than it had been in Cabot's 

The Muscovy Company had also remained faithful 
to the new method which Sebastian Cabot had, for 
their benefit, introduced into the science of naviga- 
tion. The logbook^ the most admirable of all the 
inventions for the furtherance of that science, owed 
its origin and development to the Muscovy Com- 
pany. How greatly navigation and geography are in- 
debted to them for this service, appears clearly when 
we compare Verazzano's account of his voyage to 
Hudson's river, with Juet's journal of Hudson's 
expedition to the same coasts. We observe Yerazzano, 
a man of great talent, making painful efforts to 
convey a clear meaning, and succeeding but in- 
differently ; whilst Juet, a man of ordinary abilities, 
furnishes us with an account in which every step can 
be clearly traced. Nor is Verazzano's failure, or 
Juet's success, at all isolated. Verazzano's narrative 
is very nearly the best maritime record of its period ; 
whilst Juet's journal is in every respect surpassed by 
many anterior logbooks. The difference between 
Juet and Verazzano, as far as it is to the disadvantage 
of the latter, consists not in their respective talent, 
but in the methods they made use of. Juet's journal 
is modelled on the logbooks of his predecessors, such 
as Barents, Davis, and others ; and these men are 
followers of Willoughby, Chancellor, Burrough, Pet, 
and Jackman, and other captains of the Muscovy 


Company. The captains of the company again were 
but carrying out one of the commands contained in 
the instructions given to Willoughby and Chancel- 
lor by Sebastian Cabot,^ the real originator of the 

One of the most remarkable features in these log- 
books of the Muscovy Company was the attention 
paid to magnetic variations. This kind of research 
was first of all systematically pursued by the Mus- 
covy Company, and doubtless at Cabot's instigation, 
although no positive proof of this fact has been pre- 

We have made the preceding statements in order 
to place Hudson's journals in their true light. These 
journals are very remarkable. Yet it would be unfair 
to exaggerate, at the expense of others, Hudson's 
merit in writing them. Were we to look at Hud- 
son's journals separately, and not in connexion 
with other logbooks of the same period and of the 
same company, we might consider them as still 

^ " Item, that the marchants and other skilful persons in writing 
shall daily write, describe, and put in memoire the navigation of 
every day and night, with the points and observations of the lands, 
tides, elements, altitude of the sunne, course of the moon and 
starres, and the same so noted by the order of the master and 
pilot of every ship to be put in writing, the captains generall 
assembling the masters together once every week (if winde and 
weather shall serve) to conferre all the observations and notes of 
the said ships, to the intent it may appear wherein the notes do 
agree, and wherein they dissent, and upon good debatement, deli- 
beration, and conclusion, determined to put the same into a common 
ledger, to remain as record for the company." — CahoC s Instruc- 
tions, § 7. Hakluyt i, p. 226. 


greater achievements than they really are. They 
contain, in fact, no original feature. It is only by 
mistake that the first observations of the dip and 
variation of the needle, at least among arctic navi- 
gators, have been attributed to Hudson. Such obser- 
vations are to be found in Cabot's chart, in the log- 
books of the men who followed his instructions, and 
also in the papers of those who imitated his follow- 
ers. The system of Hudson's logbooks seems to have 
been adopted in obedience to a standing order of the 
Muscovy Company. It is not, however, our inten- 
tion to depreciate these writings of our navigator. 
They possess every merit except that of originality, 
and are perfect models of their kind. 

Another peculiar feature of the logbooks of the 
Muscovy Company was the great number of observa- 
tions of the heavenly bodies made by their captains. 
In this respect Hudson offers a very bright example, 
and we might therefore expect a very great accu- 
racy in his latitudes. But such accuracy is not to 
be found. This is owing, not to any want of care 
on his part, but to the imperfection of the instru- 
ments he made use of. It would be easy to describe 
these instruments in detail. There was published in 
London, in the very year when Hudson first started, 
a mariner's manual, by the celebrated John Davis. 
In that extremely remarkable volume we find, not 
only descriptions of all the mariners' instruments 
and explicit directions for their use, but also wood- 
cut figures illustrating tliem, such as have been 
introduced into popular manuals of the present 


day. The reason why we have refrained from giving 
extracts from that volume is obvious. Our intro- 
duction already exceeds the usual limits, and that 
subject does not strictly belong to it. We must 
therefore refer the reader to Davis' work, a copy of 
which is in the British Museum Library. 

As to the accuracy or want of accuracy in Hud- 
son's observations, it is in most cases impossible to 
test it. Most of the shores which he visited, such, for 
instance, as Nova Zembla, Spitzbergen, Jan Mayen, 
Greenland, Hudson's Strait and Bay, are even now 
very imperfectly known. Even now errors of several 
minutes with respect to almost every part of these 
shores may, with too good reason, be suspected in 
the charts. We therefore lack the most important 
of all the means of testing the accuracy of anterior 
statements. A still greater difficulty is that nearly 
all the points mentioned by Hudson are for us little 
better than mere names. The Islands of God's Mercij^ 
Hold with Hope^ Hakluyfs Headland^ and other names 
given by Hudson, are still to be found on the maps 
and charts ; but whether the places so named by 
him and those now called so are really identical, 
cannot be established by any satisfactory evidence. 

It is, moreover, certain, that some of Hudson's lati- 
tudes which we can check are wrong. Such is the 
case with regard to the most northern and most 
southern part of Spitzbergen, with regard to Cape 
Farewell and Cape Wolstenholme. The errors which 
must have been made in these instances amount to at 
least seven or eight minutes in each case. These posi- 


tive proofs of incorrectness must render us suspicious 
even where such positive proofs are wanting. When 
we add to this the entire absence of longitudes in 
Hudson's journals, the deceptive influence exercised 
on the dead reckoning by the varying currents of 
the arctic regions, and the want of good modern 
charts, it becomes obvious that it would be a mere 
delusion were we to trace Hudson's course with pre- 
ciseness, and to point out as certain the latitude and 
longitude of every locality mentioned by him. 

We have, on this account, been extremely sparing 
with geographical notes to the text of Hudson's 
journals. The precise localities mentioned by him 
seem to us dubious in almost every instance, and it 
would scarcely have been right to enter into long 
discussions, with the conclusion that, after all, we 
are not able to settle the matter. It is not our in- 
tention to commit, in these last pages, the mistake 
that we have tried to avoid in our notes ; and we 
shall here refrain from this kind of discussion, except 
in a few isolated instances. In defence of the some- 
what exceptional course we are thus pursuing, we may 
perhaps be allowed to state it as our opinion, that 
the importance of a navigator's career consists, not so 
much in the coasts he touched, as in the new know- 
ledge acquired and conveyed by him. 

Many great men attempted, before and after Hud- 
son, to solve the problem of a short northern route 
to China. But he surpasses all his predecessors and 
all his followers in the variety of means he employed 
to obtain that great end. This variety of devices 


within a narrow scope, the very test of an ener- 
getic mind, was perhaps in part due to his singular 
and exceptional situation. Each of his predecessors 
had confined his efforts to only one direction, trying 
the chances that might be offered within a com- 
paratively limited area, and these chances had thus 
been reduced to a small number of seeming proba- 
bilities. The probabilities would have appeared still 
fewer, had the explorations been made and chronicled 
with modern accuracy. As it was, there remained in 
every direction some delusive hopes, which it still 
required a renewed search to dispel. One of Hud- 
son's many great merits consists in having proved 
several of these delusions to be what they were, and 
thus to have further limited the area of the search 
for a short road to China. The efforts of all those 
after him, like those of each of his predecessors, were 
then more confined than his own. Hudson himself 
tried within the last few years of his life, first the 
way across the North Pole, then the way by the north 
of Spitzbergen eastwards ; he attempted to penetrate 
through the Nova Zembla group, and having failed 
to do so, undertook another expedition to the same 
quarter. He afterwards tried to cross what seemed 
a narrow isthmus, between the Atlantic and Pacific, 
in latitude 40°. He at last sailed far westward 
through his strait and bay, and perished in the midst 
of his hopes and plans. It is curious that he missed 
the only real chance, namely, the way through Davis' 
Strait and Baffin's Bay. But, if we may conclude 
from what he had done up to his death, it is proba- 


ble enough that he wouhl not have left that way 
untried had he lived longer. He was one of those 
men who, whether successful or not, will not leave to 
any one after them the right to boast of having 
accomplished what they had despaired of. 

Hudson's first attempt was to sail across the North 
Pole, a plan started in 1527 by Robert Tliorne, but 
not yet acted upon by any one during the eighty 
years that had since passed. The voyage to which 
this idea gave rise is well described in Playse's log- 
book, where the reader will find all its details. A 
short summary of the main points may, however, 
prove useful. 

Hudson left London the 23rd of April, 1607, with 
the intention of sailing across the North Pole to 
China and Japan. His course carried him to the 
Shetland Islands. Thence he sailed to the north- 
west, passing, as it seems, close by Iceland without 
perceiving it. He arrived on the 13th of June off 
the Greenland coast, in latitude 67° 30', doubting 
whether the land he saw was an island, or the En- 
groneland, or Groneland of the Zeni. To this ques- 
tion he had received no satisfactory answer, even 
after six days' stay in that neighbourhood. It does 
not appear how great was his distance from the coast 
during these six days ; but he certainly never landed. 
To a prominent cape, and to a mountain near it, he 
gave the names of Young's Cape and Mount of God's 
Mercy. These are, for us, nothing more than mere 
names. The coast of Greenland in 67° 30' has never 
been well explored, and Hudson's own indication is 


vague in the extreme. Hudson himself continued to 
be in doubt as to the real nature of the coast near 
him. He even thought it possible that it might be 
an island, at the north-eastern point of which he 
had arrived. He was thus exposed to an error very 
similar to the one committed by Davis, who con- 
sidered the south of Greenland as an undiscovered 
island. Hudson's farther course along the east coast 
of Greenland also offered striking analogies with Davis' 
explorations along the western shore. Davis had 
lost sight of the coast, had unconsciously followed 
its bend, and had again fallen in with it. 

In a like manner Hudson now left the Greenland 
shore with the intention of steering to Spitzbergen ; 
and his north-eastern course brought him, after two 
days sailing, on the 21st June, 1607, again to the 
Greenland coast, which on its eastern side trends to 
the north-east, as on its western side it trends to the 
north-west. He again reached the Greenland coast 
in latitude 73°, and called his new discovery Hold 
with Hope^ a name still to be found on maps of the 
arctic regions, although it would be impossible to 
point out the exact locality to which it was first 

Following his north-eastern direction Hudson tried, 
during the last days of June, to sail northwards, wher- 
ever he might be able to do so. But he seems to 
have been prevented from progressing towards the 
pole by the well-known ice barrier between Green- 
land and Spitzbergen, which has been so well de- 
scribed by Dr. Scoresby. This barrier generally 


forms at that time of the year an undulating line 
between the 74th and 80th degrees of latitude, reach- 
ing farthest to the south near the Greenland coast, 
and being nearest to the pole in the neighbourhood 
of Spitzbergen. Hudson was the first modern navi- 
gator who sailed along this barrier. His logbook 
does not, however, contain a sufficient number of 
data to enable us to trace the line of the ice as it was 
in June 1607. 

"When Hudson was approaching the Spitzbergen 
coast, he looked out for a cape, discovered by Barents, 
and called by him Vogel Hoeck, a point which was, 
as it seems, indicated on the chart used by Hudson.^ 
This point is probably identical with the Vogel Hoeck 
of the later and more accurate maps of the country, 
though such identities of name are not always suffi- 
cient proofs of identity of place. It would be inter- 
esting to settle this question, but this cannot be done 
from the materials now in existence. 

Supposing that identity to exist, we find Hud- 
son on the 28th of June, 1607, near the western 
point of Charles' Island. ^ For the Vogel Hoeck of 
the later Dutch maps is the same cape which Dr. 
Scoresby calls Fair Foreland, and which he places, 

* Vogel Ilocck is expressly mentioned by Hudson as the point 
he Mas looking out for. The point is also to be found on Hon- 
dius' chart. The locality where the Vogel Hock of later maps 
(English charts call it Fair Foreland) is situated, namely, the 
north-west point of Charles' Islands, seems in every respect to 
agree with what we know of the Vogel Hoeck of Barents. 

* Charles' Island is the most western of the forelands by which 
the mainland of Spitzbergen is surrounded. 


according to his own survey, in 78° 53' N., 9' 17' E. 
The last two days of June were spent off the coast of 
Charles Island. From the 1st to the 6th of June, 
Hudson seems to have sailed backwards and forwards 
in the Foreland Fiord, between Charles' Island and 
the mainland of Spitzbergen. This at least is the most 
consistent result that can be derived from his notes, 
in which every kind of vagueness is accumulated. 
The chart he used was very imperfect, he was con- 
tending with ice and fog, and his observations of 
latitude, though there are three in five days, are not 
thoroughly reliable. But in spite of these drawbacks, 
the above mentioned course seems to be marked out 
with sufficient certainty and clearness. Hudson then 
sailed into the Foreland Fiord on its northern side, 
the 1st of July, and left it, on its southern side, the 
6th of the same month, having passed the intervening 
six days in the Fiord. From the 9th to the 11th of 
June, Hudson sailed back, on the opposite, or outward 
side of Charles' Island, the distance he had sailed within 
the Fiord. He continued this northern course on the 
12th, and arrived on the 13th, off the north-eastern 
part of Spitzbergen ; that part of the country, to 
which Barents and his companions had more parti- 
cularly applied the name of Nieidand, or the land under 
80 degrees. From the 13th to the 15th of July, Hud- 
son sailed eastwards along the northern coast, explor- 
ing some of its fiords, islands and harbours, and giving 
the names of Hakluyt's Headland, Colin's Cape, and 
Whale Bay, to three localities. Of these names the 
first only has been preserved on charts. Whether 


the point now so called, and the one so named by 
Hudson, are absolutely identical, cannot be shown 
from the existing evidence. It does not appear 
whether any of the sailors who accompanied Hudson 
afterwards revisited Spitzbergen, and then recognised 
the points marked out by him. This would be the 
only satisfactory manner of establishing such an 
identity of place, as latitudes, longitudes, and dead 
reckoning, as well as the charts based upon them, are 
all equally deceptive. 

The 23rd of July, Hudson was by observation in 
latitude 80° 23', the highest observation ever made 
by him. After two more days of north-eastern sail- 
ing, he reckoned himself to be in latitude 81°. Much 
doubt has, with good reason, been thrown on this 
assertion of Henry Hudson. The localities which he 
described do not bear it out, and considerable mis- 
takes are likely to have occurred to a man judging by 
his dead reckoning only, without knowing the 
currents that set in those parts. Sir Edward Parry 
vainly tried, in this very region, to make head 
against a violent north-easterly current, which 
eventually frustrated his boat- sledge expedition 
towards the North Pole. 

This current may have deceived our navigator. On 
the 16th he believed that he saw land, "trending north 
in our sight, by means of the clearness of the weather, 
stretching far into 82°, and by the bowing or 
shewing of the skie much further." It is unfortunately 
now impossible to say how far he was right or wrong- 
in these estimates; nor to point out the exact spot he 


reached, and it would lead to nothing were we to build 
some futile theory on the loose evidence at our dis- 
posal. Hudson's own conclusion was : " that between 
78 degrees and a half and 82 degrees by this way, 
there is no passage"; a conclusion which is practically 
correct, though geographically somewhat exaggerated. 

He returned westwards on the 1 6th of July, was 
tlie same day near Collin's Cape, and seems to have 
rounded the north-eastern peninsula of Spitzbergen 
the following or the next day. The 20th of July, he 
had already sailed some distance down the west coast, 
and was entering Bell Sound, in latitude 77° 26', 
which he explored. From the one-and-twentieth to 
the five-and-twentieth, Hudson seems to have 
hesitated, and to have been uncertain about his 
future movements. We find him steering in various 
directions without any apparent object ; nor can this 
be wondered at, considering how new Spitzbergen 
was to him. The chart he had with him indicated 
scarcely more than the mere existence of these 
remarkable islands. 

On the five-and-twentieth we find Hudson near 
the west coast, in 78°. He then again sailed north- 
wards, and was on the seven- and-twentieth near 
Collin's Cape, one of the points of the north coast, 
discovered by him ten or eleven days before. The 
same day he again returned to the south ; having first 
ascertained that the ice barrier between Spitzbergen 
and Greenland was as firm as it had been in June. 
Otherwise he would have tried to pass through it, and 
to return home by the north of Greenland, through 


Davis' Strait. The latter plan proves his ignorance 
of the real conformation of Greenland ; a fact upon 
which we have already had ample occasion to dwell. 

Thus hemmed in on three sides, he was again 
obliged to return to the south. He sailed southwards 
along the whole west coast of the group ; from 80° 
to 76° 30', during the last days of July. Having been 
on the 28th, by observation, in latitude 76° 36*, 
Hudson accounted himself, on the thirtieth, in lati- 
tude 76°. He tells us, however, at the same time, 
that he was then near the coast, which he describes 
as mountainous. Now Spitzbergen does not reach 
down farther than to 76° 30', and Hudson's latitude 
was therefore faulty. This error was certainly in 
part due to the currents to which we have alluded. 
Yet it cannot have entirely arisen from that source. 
Had the observation of the 28th been correct, and 
had Hudson really then been only a few miles from 
the southern point of Spitzbergen, this fact could not 
possibly have escaped him during the two days he 
remained in that neighbourhood. We then arrive at 
the painful but complete conviction, that his observa- 
tion also was faulty. It is of the greater importance 
to ascertain this fact, because few only of Hudson's 
latitudes can be tested in a similar manner. 

Having left Spitzbergen, Hudson continued his 
course, and arrived on the 31st of July off Bear or 
Cherie Island. The home voyage, after the departure 
from that spot, was accomplished in a month and a 
half. The 15th of August Hudson reached the 
Farocr Islands ; and exactly a month afterwards he 


arrived at Tilbury in the Thames. So much we 
learn from Playse's logbook. But we find too good 
reason to regret the loss of Hudson's own journal, 
from which the following notice^ has been extracted : 

** And in ranging homewards he discovered an island 
lying in seventy-one degrees, which he called Hudson's 

We have,in ournote to this passage, already observed 
that there is but one island in latitude 71° which can 
here be meant, namely, Jan May en ; and that Jan 
Mayen in fact is identical with Hudson's Touches. 
This opinion is still further confirmed by a document 
which had then escaped our notice. We have ad- 
verted to the claims to the first discovery of Spitzber- 
gen advanced by the English and the Dutch. These 
rival claims gave rise to armed struggles in the 
Greenland M^aters, and in consequence of them, to 
applications for protection, together with bitter 
protests, and complaints addressed by the aggrieved 
persons to their respective governments. Some of 
these protests of the Muscovy Company have been pre- 
served in the State-paper office ; and in one of them 
we find the following passage : 

" Further, William Johnsonne Millworth, captain of the 
Angell of Home, certified us that the States had given the 
country of Greenland unto the Zealanders, and Hudsoi's 
Touches, and those islands adjoining, unto the Hollanders to 
fish therein, warning them that they should not come within 
the privileges of each other, and that they were animated and 
urged by the States themselves for their fishing voyage this 
yeare 1618, otherwise they had not attempted it." 

1 P. 146. 


This testimony of Johnsonne Millwoith is borne 
out by the facts of the case. The States General of 
the United Provinces had, in 1617, granted the 
fisheries of Jan Mayen to the Hollanders, excluding 
the Zealanders from them. It is, besides, very 
remarkable that we find on Jan Mayen, almost 
exactly in latitude 71°, a point called by Dr. Scoresby 
Hudson s point. Anyone acquainted with the writing 
of the period, will at once remember how easily an 
H of that time could be read as an E,. The point was, 
we may say certainly, called Hudson's point. Ano- 
ther locality on Jan Mayen, namely, its north-eastern 
cape, is called Youngs Foreland. James Young, one 
of Hudson's companions, was the man who had first 
espied the Greenland coast. The north-eastern cape 
of Jan Mayen, is the very point which must have 
first presented itself to Hudson's crew as the ship was 
sailing home from Bear Island ; and the man who 
first saw the Greenland shore was the most likely to 
forestall here also, his less zealous, or less sharp -sighted 
companions. There is no reason why the name of 
Hudson s Touches should not be replaced on maps and 
charts ; and the now meaningless Rudsons point, 
might also be fairly restored to its original meaning, 
and be called Hudson s point. The islands adjoining 
Jan Mayen, are Egg Island to the south, and a num- 
ber of small rocky islets scattered along the coasts. 

Should the writer of the present pages have suc- 
ceeded beyond his hopes in placing the geographical 
notions of Hudson's time, and the anterior endeavours 
in search of a passage, clearly before the reader's 


eye ; it would then be easy to explain to the reader 
the original plan of Hudson's first voyage, and the 
ideas which the experience collected in the course 
of it, developed in his mind. 

Hudson first started with the plan of sailing straight 
across the North Pole, by the north of the Engrone- 
land of the Zeni. He found that land stretching 
farther eastwards than he expected ; and joining it, 
he found a firm barrier of ice, which offered no 
opening in its whole breadth between Greenland and 
Spitzbergen. This barrier Hudson sailed along, 
vainly spying out for a passage to the Pole. "When he 
had reached the neighbourhood of Spitzbergen, he 
knew well that he was near the country discovered by 
Barents in 1596, and he was looking out for some of 
the points noted by that navigator. But though 
Barents' explorations had been so far useful to Hud- 
son, they had not been chronicled with sufficient 
accuracy, to enable Hudson to recognize beforehand 
the real conformation of Spitzbergen. There seemed 
to exist a hope of passing through what has since 
been proved to be a firm body of land ; or at least by 
the north of it. These attempts Hudson made ; and he 
left no means untried which seemed to off'er a hope of 
succeeding in this really hopeless undertaking. When 
he had at last recognized how hopeless it was, he once 
more sailed northwards to the great ice barrier, with 
the intention of finding a way by the north of 
Engroneland to the west ; and of thus entering Davis' 
Strait by a northern route. He soon perceived that 
this undertaking, too, off'ered no chance of success, at 


least, if begun in the neighbourhood of Spitzbergen ; 
so he sailed again to the south. It is not unlikely that 
he renewed the attempt in a lower latitude, and 
nearer Greenland, on his homeward voyage ; and that 
he arrived in this manner in the somewhat too 
westerly longitude, in which Jan Mayen and the 
Faroer Islands are situated. The discovery of the 
former island was made by chance. 

In the course of this voyage Hudson made two 
observations, the one interesting, the other of the 
highest importance. The first observation is that of 
the changing colour of the sea near Spitzbergen. He 
found it sometimes blue, sometimes green, sometimes 
dark, sometimes clear and transparent. "The colour of 
the Greenland sea varies from ultramarine blue," says 
Dr. Scoresby, " to olive green ; and from the most pure 
transparency to striking opacity. These appearances 
are not transitory but permanent ; not depending on 
the state of the w^eather, but on the quality of the 
water. Hudson, when he visited this quarter in 1607, 
noticed the changes in the colour of the sea, and 
made the observation that the sea was blue where 
there was ice, and green where it was most open. 
This circumstance, however, was merely accidental." 

The other observation is that of the existence of a 
vast number of whales and morses in the waters Hud- 
son had visited. This observation raised Spitzber- 
gen and Jan Mayen Island to the importance which 
they have since assumed. 

Hudson's second voyage offers fewer subjects for 
comment than tlie first. Its plan is very simple. 


Having found by experience the impractibility of 
Robert Thome's scheme, Hudson now followed in 
the track of those of his predecessors who had tried 
to find a way to China by the north east. But he 
was acquainted with their failures as well as with 
their hopes, and he knew the difficulties which a 
passage through or beyond the Nova Zembla group, 
and then through the Kara Sea, presented. Three 
chances for passing beyond or through Nova Zembla 
seemed to exist, namely, to sail through Vaigats 
Straits, south of Nova Zembla ; to pass by the north of 
the group, as Barents had done ; and thirdly, to pass 
through the group by way of Costin Shar, a bay which 
appeared on Barents' chart as a strait. Hudson was 
ignorant of the existence of the real straits between 
those islands. His plan then was either to go by 
the north or by the south of Nova Zembla, or through 
Costin Shar. Should he thus succeed in entering 
the Sea of Kara (which he calls the Sea of Tartary), 
he would, according to his notions, have had two 
farther stages to reach or pass ; first, the mouth of 
the Oby ; then Cape Tabin. He knew that this 
would not be easy, but he was fully prepared to 
encounter the dangers of what he considered as a 
short though severe struggle. Beyond Cape Tabin 
the way to China seemed to him perfectly smooth. 

The second expedition, then, consists of the follow- 
ing parts. Hudson's voyage out until he arrived in 
latitude 75° 24', between Spitzbergen and Nova 
Zembla (April 22nd to June 11th, 1608): his vain 
attempts to pass to the north-east beyond the Nova 


Zembla group, and his struggles with the ice, where 
he sometimes gains, sometimes loses a few minutes of 
latitude (June 18th to 23rd) : the voyage south- 
wards along the group, but not always near its shore 
(June 24th to 29th) : exploration of Costin Shar, 
and discovery that it is a bay, not a strait (June 29th 
to July 6th) : the voyage home (July 6th to August 
26th). As to the voyage through the Vaigats Strait, 
the chance still left open in that quarter, Hudson says 
that for it he was not " fitted to trie or prove." 

We call the reader's particular attention to a 
passage near the end of the logbook, entered under 
the 7th of August. Hudson must at that time 
have been about in latitude 62° or 63°, not very 
far from the south of Greenland, and therefore per- 
fectly able to enter into Davis' Strait before the 
close of the season. He says that he for a moment 
intended to do so, in order to sail a hundred leagues 
either into Lumley's Inlet (Frobisher's Strait) or into 
The Furious Overfall (Hudson's Strait) ; but that 
he sacrificed his ambition to his duty. This notice, 
curious in itself, is doubly so as an answer to the 
calumny of Luke Foxe, who attributes to Col- 
burne the plan for Hudson's fourth voyage ; whilst 
it here clearly appears that already in 1608, two 
years before the fourth voyage, Hudson's mind was 
bent upon the schemes which that undertaking was 
intended to realize. 

The number and variety of the papers which illus- 
trate the third voyage make our task of introducing 
them a somewhat difficult one. Besides, since the 


first pages of the present introduction were printed, 
a most important addition has been made to the 
documents in our collection ; consisting of the letter 
of President Jeannin to Henry IV of France,^ which 
will be found in the Appendix. It very fortunately 
happens, that the observations which we shall have 
to offer as an introduction to that state paper, will at 
the same time throw a light on the circumstances in 
which Hudson was placed during his stay in Holland 
previous to his departure for the third expedition. 

The Negociations of President Jeannin, from which 
our extract is taken, are reckoned among the classical 
Memoires Historiques ; a class of writings equally 
distinguished by the position of the authors, the ele- 
gance of their language, and the importance of the 
information they furnish. In all these respects Pre- 
sident Jeannin's Negociations occupy a very high 
rank. The main portion of that work consists of 
letters addressed to Henry IV of France, in the 
years 1608 and 1609, mostly from the Hague and 
from Antwerp. Jeannin had been sent to the Nether- 
lands to negociate, together with the representatives 
of other nations, a treaty of peace, or at least a truce 
between Spain and those of its revolted provinces 
which had long, in fact, enjoyed that independence 

' This document is indicated in Mr. Berg van Dussen Muilkerk's 
Bijdraegen tot de Geschiedenis onzer Kolonizatie in Noord- America. 
We have above (p. Ivii) adverted to this book ; but from memory 
only, and not with sufficient justice. It is very gratifying to be 
able now to acknowledge our obligations to that remarkable work, 
which compresses a vast amount of new research into an incredi- 
bly small space. 


which was now to be confirmed by a treaty. It was 
in the midst of this negociation, in January 1609, 
that an indirect intercourse was established between 
Hudson and Jeannin. To explain the origin and 
issue of that intercourse, as well as the motives of the 
men who acted as mediators between the navigator 
and the diplomatist, we must throw a brief glance at 
the political movements in which Jeannin was mixed 
up, and especially at the difficulties which he had to 
overcome in negociating the treaty. 

These difficulties did not alone, nor perhaps even 
mainly, consist in the pride of the Spaniards. Their 
foes, the inhabitants of the northern provinces, were 
far from united in the wish to make peace, at least 
on the conditions that could then be obtained. The 
feelings of the majority in the free provinces were 
not unlike those which lately animated the whole of 
Italy during the negociation of the peace of Zurich, 
when it was considered a disgrace to secure Lom- 
bardy from the House of Hapsburg at the price of 
the confirmed slavery of another and more important 
district. But in the Netherlands the position, though 
similar was not alike. There existed in some of the 
free provinces a peace party, powerful in every re- 
spect except in numbers, which was animated by 
selfish motives, such as have not come to light in the 
late Italian struggles. This peace party consisted 
principally of the powerful families which had made 
the civic dignities in the towns of Holland heredi- 
tary among themselves ; who composed, as delegates 
from these towns, the estates of Holland, and who 


thus swayed the United Provinces. They were 
strongly interested in preventing the departure of 
the rich and active Belgian emigrants, whom a con- 
tinued and successful war might have carried home 
in triumph. They also wished that Antwerp should 
not again rise to its former importance. The resto- 
ration of the other parts of Belgium would likewise 
have destroyed the preeminence of Holland. Peace 
and the status quo were therefore their great objects. 
This peace party, which was headed by Oldenbar- 
nevelt and counted Hugo Grotius among its leaders, 
is better known as the Republican or Arminian 
party. Republican it was called because it desired 
to keep the rule of the country to itself. The name 
of Arminius had been adopted a few years before, 
when that divine had published some maxims of 
church government suited to the tastes and interests 
of these Repubticans. The Arminian doctrine, which 
also contained some theological principles opposed to 
strict Calvinism, became the standard round which 
the RejnMicans gathered. It counted scarcely any 
adherents except among them. 

The opposition of the Republicans to strict 
Calvinism, was no accidental circumstance in their 
policy. The party whom they opposed was headed by 
the Belgian emigrants, who desired to continue the 
war until their own country should be freed from the 
Spanish yoke ; and again, at the head of the Belgian 
emigrants, stood the Calvinistic clergymen ; among 
whom such men as Peter Plancius, and others of a 
similar stamp, appeared. These divines and preachers 


exercised a most powerful influence over the great 
mass of the people, who were besides naturally op- 
posed to the " municipal families," whose tyranny 
and arrogance they hated. The Belgian party found 
another ally besides these lower classes, in the Prince 
Maurice of Orange, the most illustrious warrior of the 
age, whose every hope was connected with the con- 
tinuance of the struggle. Thus the war party was 
generally termed the Calvinistic, or the Orange 

The two political parties which we have tried to 
sketch, vied with each other to obtain Henry Hud- 
son's services. This happened in the following man- 
ner. We have above spoken of the first efforts made 
at the end of the sixteenth century by the Dutch, to 
establish transatlantic commerce ; and we have seen 
that they entirely obeyed in this respect the impulse 
given by the Belgian emigrants. A few years had 
been sufficient to produce the most important con- 
sequences from these beginnings ; and it was soon 
apparent that transatlantic commerce would form the 
foundation of the prosperity of the Dutch Republic. 

It was then most strongly the interest of the ruling 
Arminian party not to let so powerful a lever remain 
in the hands of the Belgians, their antagonists. The 
great chief of the Arminians, John Oldenbarnevelt, 
therefore contrived to place the direction of the East 
India trade in the hands of his own partisans ; and 
he founded for this purpose in 1602, the privileged 
East India Company, the directors of which were, 
almost exclusively, taken from among the so-called 


Republicans, and wliicli, in after times, always made 
common cause with them. 

This East India Company had a privilege to trade 
by the ordinary route, round the Cape of Good 
Hope. Many of the Belgians, on the other hand, still 
adhered to their own old scheme, of which Peter 
Plancius was the representative, namely, that of a 
short north-eastern route to China. They besides 
endeavoured to establish a West India Company, 
under the direction of William Usselincx, and on the 
principle of which we have spoken above, namely, 
that of driving the Spaniards from America, and out 
of the American waters ; and so to cripple their 
resources. This idea, and still more the aim for the 
sake of which it was entertained, were strongly at 
variance with the wishes and interests of the peace 

These indications will enable us to place in chro- 
nological order, all the data that are bearing on 
Hudson's sojourn in Holland. We must then leave it 
to the reader to connect these pieces of evidence, and 
to form out of them a complete picture, which may 
easily be done by supplying such details, historical 
and local, as can be procured in abundance from 
various sources. As to our own chronological 
arrangement, it will perhaps be best not to confine 
it to Hudson's stay in Holland, but to extend 
it over the other main points of the third voyage. 
We give for this purpose the following synoptical 








Hudson called by the privileged 

East India Company 



Hudson's arrival in Holland 


■ — . — 


Conferences with the East India 


Company begin 




Personal intercourse with Plan- 

Treatise of Iver 

cius begins . . - - 




Conversations with Plancius 


Hessel Gerritz 

181, 180, 
187, 191 

Intercourse with Jodocus Hon- 


Iver Boty, Hon- 



dius' map 

Hudson's proposals rejected for 

Jan. 1009 



the present by the E. I. Comp. Ar- 

rangements for employment in 

KilO - - - - - 

Belgians seize the opportunity. 

Jan. 1000 



Le Maire acquainted with Hud- 

son. Le Maire proposes to Jeannin 

to form a rival E. I. Comp. under 

Henry IV's protection, and to 

engage Hudson as captain 

Peter Plancius calls on Jeannin - 

Jan. 1000 



E. I. Comp. alarmed by Le Maire's 

Jan. 100!) 



opposition, determine to send 

Hudson at once 

Usselincx's intercourse with Jean- 

Jan. 1000 



nin . . . . - 

Zealand Chamber refuses to send 




Hudson - . - - - 

Amsterdam Chamber do so by 




themselves . . . . 

H. starts with two vessels, thej 



cciii, 254 

Good Hope and the Half Moon i 



HaZ/il/ooit a Vlie Boat 

— — 

Van Metereu 


Reaches the North Cape 

May 5,1009 

Juet, V. Meteren 


Voyage to Nova Zembla, mutiny, 

May 5-14 

V. Meteren 



Arrival at the North Cape on 

May 19 



their return - . . . 

Arrival at Faroe Islands 

May 30 

Juet, V. Meteren 

48, 149 

Arrival near Nova Scotia coast - 

June 22 



They land (44° 1') to cut a fore 

July 19 


00, 1-49, 

mast; quarrels with natives 


They arrive at Barnstaple penin- 

May 2 

J. V. M., De L. 

04, 150, 

sula ------ 


They arrive in 37° 45' (Virginia 

May 13 

Juet, v. Meteren 

09, 150 


Chesapeake Bay - . - . 

Aug. 27 

Juet, De Laet 

73, 150 

^ This date (1609) may, however, according to the calendar 
then in use, refer to the iirst months of 1G09. Hudson's arrival in 
Holland can therefore not positively be stated to have taken place 
before January 1G09. 




Delaware Bay 
Hudson's River - 

In latitude 42° IS'Hudsnn lands 
Scene of Drunkenness 

Leave Hudson's River 
Dissensions during the voyage 
home - - - . " . 

Arrival in England 
Hudson retained in England 
Return of the Half Moon - 



Aug. 28 
Sept. 2 

Sept. 17 

Sept. J8 
Sept. 20 

Oct. 4 

Nov. 7 

Jan. 1010 

Jufy 1.5, 


Juet, De Laet 


Juet, De Laet 
Juet, Heckewel- 

der, Barton 

Juet, V. Meteren 

V. Meteren 

Juet, V. Meteren 
V. Meteren 


74, 1.57 



85, 101 

W5, 174, 

92, 151 


93, 152 



To complete our introduction to the third vovao-e 
we have to add some remarks on several isolated 
points, that either present a particular interest or 
require special attention. 

AVe find in Lambrechtsen, that Hudson was sent 
out by the Amsterdam Chamber of the East India 
Company, against the will of the Middelburg Cham- 
ber. The Chamhers of which the Dutch East India 
Company was composed had each a separate exist- 
ence. The whole company, in fact, did not form so 
homogeneous a body as English companies of the 
present day, but may rather be called a confedera- 
tion of several societies. Each of the provinces along 
the sea shore had a chamber or society of its own, 
governed by its own committee of directors. Out 
of these provincial committees a central council of 
seventeen members was chosen, who are ircncrally 
termed The Seventeen. The action of this general 
council resembled that of the delegates of a political 
confederacy, and did not destroy the individual action 
of the provincial chambers. To say more on this 


complicated question would lead us too far. We 
must, however, advert to another statement of Lam- 
brechtsen, which had unfortunately been omitted 
in the English translation we made use of for our 
extracts from his book. This statement is contained 
in one of his foot notes, and is couched in the fol- 
lowing words : " In the minutes of the Council of 
the xvii this yacht (the yacht Hudson sailed in) 
is called the Good IIopeT^ From these words we 
learn, first that Lambrechtsen used an original MS. 
description of Hudson's voyage, which he found in- 
serted in the Minutes of the Seventeen. We further 
learn that the name of Hudson's vessel was the Good 
Hope. It is, however, stated by an equally unques- 
tionable authority that Hudson's vessel was called 
the Half Moon.^ The most natural solution of this 
apparent contradiction is, that Hudson had with him 
two vessels, the one called the Half Moon., the other 
the Good Hope. It is not known what became of the 
latter vessel. She may have returned after the mutiny 
near Nova Zembla. The main part of the voyage 
was certainly performed in the Half Moon alone. 

The crew of the vessel — or vessels — under Hud- 
son's orders consisted partly of Dutchmen, partly of 
Englishmen. As to the Dutchmen, there is strong 
reason to believe that they were sailors in the regular 
service of the East India Company, whose engage- 

^ In dc Notulcn van dc Vergadeiingc van de xvii wordt dit 
Jagt de Goede Hoop gendemt. 

^ Brodhead, from a sliip book found in tlio East India Archives 
at Amsterdam. 


ment had been made without Hudson's intervention. 
We learn that Hudson, after his return, requested 
the East India Company to exchange some of his 
sailors for others, so as to enable him to start again 
with a more obedient crew. This request would 
never have been made had these men been entirely 
dependent upon him. Their mutinous spirit and 
their quarrels with their English companions must 
be attributed to his want .of control over them. 
Among the Dutch sailors was also Hudson's mate, 
as Van Meteren expressly states. We have already 
observed, that several writers have thought, that 
Kobert Juet was that Dutch mate; and we have 
added that this is not our opinion. This is still 
further confirmed by the following fact : Juet always 
speaks of himself in the first person. He has more 
than once occasion to do so ; he was an able astro- 
nomer ; and we find him repeatedly calculating lati- 
tudes by the height of the stars ; a kind of obser- 
vation which Hudson himself seems never to have 
attempted. Now Juet tells us distinctly that " the 
master's mate" explored the most northern part of 
Hudson River, and that the " master and his mate" 
" succeeded in making one of the Indians drunk. 
The person here twice referred to was then not the 
author of the Journal. Juet was, what he appears 
from all the other circumstances to have been, 
namely, an Englishman. John Colman, also one of 
Hudson's former companions, is the only other 
Englishman on board the Half Moon whose name is 
mentioned in our sources. It is unknown what rank 
these two men held on board the vessel. 


Hudson in 1609 originally intended to continue 
the north-eastern search begun by him the year 
before. His plan probably was to pass through 
Vaigats Strait ; a route which he had been unable 
to follow in 1608. He had already arrived near 
Nova Zembla when a mutiny broke out among his 
crew. They refused to proceed any further through 
the ice. After some discussions, it was decided that 
they were to sail westward, and to search for a passage 
through America, in latitude 40°. " This idea," says 
Van Meteren, from whom we learn these facts, " had 
been suggested to Hudson by some letters and maps 
which his friend Captain Smith had sent him from 
Virginia ; and by which he informed him that there 
was a sea leading into the Western Ocean by the 
north of the southern English colony (Virginia)." 
We have already stated that, in Hakluyt's Divers 
Voyages^ a map is to be found, copied by Lok from 
Verazzano, in which the American continent in the 
latitude here indicated appears as a narrow strip of 
land separating the Atlantic from the Pacific. This 
was most probably one of the maps sent by Smith. 
Another one of his maps may have been based on 
Ribeiro's planisphere, which indicates in those parts 
some broad openings in the coast. John Smith had 
moreover lived a long time among the American 
Indians. The tribes of all these immense tracts of 
country are known to belong to the same stock, and 
to entertain friendly or hostile intercourse. By them 
Smith must have been informed of the existence of 
the great lakes, which may well have been repre- 


sented to him as parts of the ocean. Hessel Gerritz 
at least received from that same source, though in- 
directly, this same deceptive intelligence.^ These 
materials seem to have been combined in Smith's 
communications, so as to suggest the existence of an 
easy passage through the American continent, open- 
ing on its eastern side somewhere between the 37th 
and 41st degrees of latitude. The search for such a 
passage is the only purpose 4;hat can be ascribed to 
Hudson's rambling course along those shores. 

Juet makes no mention of the voyage to Nova 
Zembla, nor of the mutiny, in which perhaps he 
played a part. He suppresses in a most artful 
manner the events of the memorable fortnight, from 
the fifth to the nineteenth of May. But under the 
latter date, Tuesday, the nineteenth of Maij, 1609, we 
find in his Journal a notice which amply com- 
pensates us for this loss. The following are his 
words : Then ive observed the sunne having a slacJce. 
\\Q have in our note to this passage, tried to show 
that a slucJc means a spot ; and that therefore sun 
spots were observed on board the Ilatf Moon more 
than a year and a half before what is generally con- 
sidered the first observation of that phenomenon. 

The next remark which we have to make applies 
to a passage in Juet's logbook, where there seems to 
be either a clerical or a typographical error. We 
allude to his entry under the eighteenth of Septem- 
ber: " In the after-noone our master's mate went on 
land with an old savage, a governor of the countrey, 

1 P. 185. 


etc." Instead of our masters viate, we must read our 
master, locality and circumstances being exactly the 
same which are described by De Laet as belonging to 
Hudson's visit on shore. Juet's account contains no 
other mention of that visit. These are all the promi- 
nent points we had to note. 

To conclude this part of our introduction, we have 
but to add a few observations on what happened 
after Hudson's return and on the consequences of his 
third voyage. The circumstances of his return, the 
strange embargo laid upon his person by the English 
government, and his correspondence with the East 
India Company, are related by Van Meteren. No- 
thing can be, nor need be, added to the details which 
he furnishes. The Half Moon returned to Amsterdam 
in July 1610, as will be seen in the note from Mr. 
Brodhead's work, which is to be found in the appen- 
dix to the present volume. 

William Smith, the author of a very defective his- 
tory of New York, says that a right to occupy the 
banks of Hudson river was sold to the Dutch by the 
discoverer. This story, which is not only untrue, 
but is contrary to all possibility of international law, 
has been invented to furnish a connecting link be- 
tween Hudson's discovery for the Dutch, and the 
colonization of those very quarters by that same 
nation. Such a connecting link exists, but it is of a 
different nature from the one imagined by Smith. 

It might at first sight have been expected that the 
directors of the East India Company would liave fol- 
lowed up the discovery made in one of their vessels. 


Nothing, however, was further from their thoughts ; 
North American trade was advocated by the Belgians, 
their poUtical adversaries. This was a sufficient 
motive for them not to favour it ; and the East India 
Company never claimed any of the advantages which 
Hudson's discovery soon began to yield. But some 
other Dutchmen, following in Hudson's footsteps, 
began to trade in furs with the natives, and then to 
build a fort on Manhattan island, in Hudson river. 
The fort became the germ of a village, the village 
became a town. The town was first called New 
Amsterdam. Its name now is New York. 

The last events narrated by Van Meteren took 
place in January, 1610. Then already it was ru- 
moured that Hudson would again be sent out by an 
English company. Soon afterwards an arrangement 
of this kind must have been definitively made. The 
names of Hudson's three principal employers are to 
be found in Purchas' Pilgrimage} They are all now 
inscribed on some well known localities in the Arctic 
regions. Sir Thomas Smith's name has been given 
to what was called a sound, north of Baffin's Bay ; but 
is now known to be a strait, leading into the northern 
waters. Cape AVolstenholme and Cape Diggs form 
the entrance to Hudson's Bay. 

The plan which gave rise to this fourth voyage 
had long been present to Hudson's mind. Already, 
in September 1608, he had intended to search for a 
passage through the strait which he was now going 

^ The names of all his employers will be found in the extract 
from the charter granted to Button's employers, at the end of the 



to explore. He had earnestly discussed that same 
plan with Peter Plancius in 1608 and 1609, and had 
been confirmed in his resolution by George Wey- 
mouth's experience, which Plancius had communi- 
cated to him ; although this passionate advocate of 
the north-eastern search had tried to dissuade Hud- 
son from his north-western undertaking. On the 
seventeenth of April, 1610, Hudson started from 
London. As to the events of his voyage, they are 
described in the different papers that have come 
down to us ; and we have tried to render these docu- 
ments more clearly intelligible by our notes. Still 
there is so much difficulty in the geographical in- 
vestigation of this voyage, that we cannot hope to 
make the reader's path quite easy, even by the assist- 
ance which our notes may afford, and by the 
synoptical arrangement of the materials, to which the 
following table is devoted. 





Names of Adventurers. Vessel - 


Departure .... 

April 17, 



H., Pr. 

98, 90 

Colburn sent back 

H., Pr., Foxe 


Westman Islands 

May 15 

H., Pr. 

94, 98 

Oflf Iceland . . . - 


H., Pr. 

94, 99 

Breda Bay (Lousie Bay), Hud- 

May 30 

H. H.'s letter. Pr. 

94, 90, 

son's letter ... - 


133, 140 

Departure from Iceland 


H., Pr. 


Greenland E. 05° (Groneland) - 

June 4, 5 

H., Pr. 

94, 99 

Greenland E. 03° (Frobisher's 

June 9 



Strait) . . - - . 

Cape Farewell (Desolation) 

June 15 

H., Pr., Purch. 


Greenland S.W. 00° 42' (Desola- 

June 20 




Eesolution Island 

June 24 

H., Pr. 

95, 100 

Ungava Bay, S.E. 5!)° IC - 

July 5 







Akpatok (Desire Provoketh) 

July 8 

H., Pr. 

95, 102 

Saddle Back Islands( God's Mercy) 

July 11 

H., Pr. 

90, 103 

Jackman's Sound 










Ungava B. S.W. 58° 50' 

July 1 



Long Island (Hold with Hope) - 

Jufv 19 



Soutliern shore of Hudson's 

Strait, from Hojje Advance Bay 

to Deception Bay (Magna Bri- 

tannia, Prince Henry's Cajje, 


King James Cape) - 

July 20-31 

H., Pr. 

104, 105 

Northern shore, N. of Charles Is. 

Aug. 1 

H., Pr. 


Salisliury Island 

Aug. 2 

H., Pr. 


Cape Wolstenliolme, Cape Diggs 

Aug. 3 

H., Pr. 


Voyage down the east coast of 

Aug. 4, 



Hudson's Bay - - . . 

Oct. 31 

Juet's trial - - . . . 




Wintering in James Bay - 


Pr.jHess. Gerr. 




Antiscorbutic medicine 

Dec. 1010 

Pr., Purch. 

114, 141 

Visit of a savage ... 




187, 193 

Green's antecedents - 

— — 



Departure from winter quarters - 




Conspiracy — Hudson's exposure 




142, 184, 


Voyage back to Diggs' Island 

June 21- 

Pr., Purch. 


July 25 


Fight with Esquimaux near 

July 29 

Pr., Purch. 


Diggs' Island - - - . 


Voyage home .... 

July 30- 

Pr., Purch. 


Sept. C 


Eeturn ..... 


Purch., H. Ger. 

144, 188, 

Imprisonment of conspirators - 


H. Ger. 

188, 193 

Button sent out in search of 

— — 

H. Ger. 




It will not be necessary to add any long comments 
to this table. On reference to the documents, it will be 
seen that the geographical information is to be found 
almost exclusively in Hudson's own journal, and in 
his chart, whilst the scenes and events of the voyage 
form the main portion of Pricket's account. The 
few pages which may be gathered from other sources 
contain stray facts, the insertion of which our table 
will facilitate. It will not be easy, even with the 
assistance of the maps in the present volume, to 


follow Hudson through the Strait. Few readers take 
sufficient interest in such matters to attempt this 
labour. To those who wish to undertake it, we re- 
commend the Admiralty Chart of the Arctic regions 
(1856) as a very useful guide. 

The remaining part of Hudson's voyage, the ex- 
ploration of Hudson's Bay, the wintering in James 
Bay, the conspiracy of the crew, the exposure of 
Hudson in an open shallop, are strikingly told by 
Pricket. But his account, though very remarkable 
as a narrative, is most unsatisfactory as a geogra- 
phical record, and leaves almost every question of 
this kind without a conclusive answer. We cannot 
even fix the spot where Hudson wintered and where 
he died. The wintering place which seems to 
us the most likely is indicated in the map of his 
voyages which accompanies this volume. The place 
■where he was exposed cannot have been at a great 
distance from his winter quarters, considering the 
short time which elapsed between his departure and 
that tragical event. But in this respect our uncer- 
tainty is still greater. 

The conspirators pleaded as an excuse for their 
guilty deed, that Hudson had withheld some of the 
victuals, storing them up in his own cabin ; and they 
have tried to throw in this manner a blemish on his 
character. But even if the charge be a true one, 
Hudson's motives were certainly honourable; with 
such men as he had under his orders it was dangerous 
to deal openly. Their crime had no other cause than 
the fear that he would continue his search and expose 


them to new privations ; and it seems that in pro- 
viding for this emergency, he had even increased his 
dangers. Another cahimny has ah'eady been dis- 
proved ; and Hudson's character stands free from all 

Partly to search for Hudson, partly to improve his 
discoveries, an expedition was sent out the following 
year, under Sir Thomas Button. Allusion is made 
to it by Hessel Gerritz ; and we have besides added, 
at the end of the appendix, the contents of a charter 
granted to the company by whom Button was sent 
out. Those who risked their capital on that enter- 
prise, firmly believed that Hudson had found an 
opening for a commercial route to China and Japan. 
Such was also the belief of Hessel Gerritz, of 
Purchas, and of all those who first began to spread 
Hudson's fame. This belief has now vanished, and 
we know that all the attempts of Henry Hudson, in 
the north, in the north-east, and in the north-west, 
have proved complete failures. 

Yet, Henry Hudson's name is not forgotten. It 
is borne by his Strait and by the Bay in which he 
wintered and died. It is inscribed on the vast ter- 
ritory between the Bay and the Pacific Ocean. It is 
aff"ectionately remembered by the millions of human 
beings now living on those banks, which he found 
scantily inhabited by savage races. Nor have his 
labours been fruitless : he has given to his own 
country the fisheries of Spitzbergen, and the fur trade 
of the Hudson's Bay territories. The Dutch owed to 
him their North- American colony, which has after- 


wards fallen into English hands ; and is now peopled 
and ruled over by the united descendants of both 
nations. Thus, in spite of his failures, Hudson has 
erected himself a far prouder monument than he 
would have dared to hope for. These successes may 
well be held out as an encouragement to those, who, 
like him, labour earnestly and steadfastly in some 
great cause that may seem hopeless. Such labour is 
never cast away, if only they, like Henry Hudson, 
prescribe to themselves the rule : To achieve what 

words, TO give reason wherefore it will NOT BE. 

Ill laying the present volume before the members 
of the Hakluyt Society, the editor owes them more 
than one explanation. The book has, long ago, been 
announced as nearly ready. Mr. Hamilton, of the 
manuscript department in the British Museum, was 
then named as the editor, whom the writer of the 
present pages was merely to assist by furnishing part 
of the introduction. This arrangement was after- 
wards rendered impossible, by the present editor's 
leaving London, and retiring to the country. The 
present editor had not at first the courage to ask Mr. 
Hamilton to give up his rights. When he at last 
did so, the request was most kindly and courteously 
granted. But a delay of more than a year had 
before taken place. It would be useless to enume- 
rate the other causes of delay, except the principal 
one ; namely the difficulty the editor felt in writing 
English. This difficulty could never have been 


surmounted without the extreme kindness of the 
editor's friend, Mr. R. H. Major, who has examined 
every line of the present book before it was sent to 
the press. From this kindness, the editor has derived 
more than passing benefits. The corrections became 
fewer as the work proceeded, and have in its latter 
half been limited to a few minutiae here and there. 
Mr. Major has also taken upon himself the tedious 
and ungrateful task of correcting the extracts from 
Purchas. During the journey which the editor 
undertook to inspect the Cabot map in Paris, he 
received the kind attentions of the celebrated Mr. 
Jomard, and of the equally distinguished scholar 
to whom the present volume is dedicated. Mr. 
Bouillet, the author of two justly esteemed manuals, 
has also been kind enough to assist the editor in 
tracing the Anskoeld Myth back to its origin. In 
Holland the editor has been less fortunate ; yet he 
has there received some kind assistance from Mr. 
Frederic Muller in Amsterdam, and from Mr. Spanier, 
the lithographer, at the Hague, to whom the excel- 
lent copies from the two old Dutch charts are due. 
He has especially to thank Mr. Campbell, the deputy 
librarian at the Hague, for an act of very great 
kindness, alluded to on p. xxxv of the present volume. 


A., B. 

The questions to which these two notes refer have been made the 
subjects of special investigation, by the writer of the present pages, 
whilst the book was going through the press, and by a new and 
more accurate examination of the original documents he has been 
induced to modify very considerably the opinions expressed in the 
text. The following are the principal new views he has arrived at : 

1. That Sebastian Cabot was born in Venice, not in Bristol; 
that he arrived in England with his father when a child, and lived 
here till he went out on his voj'ages. 

2. That the voyages of the Scandinavians exercised no percepti- 
ble influence upon John and Sebastian's opinions. 

3. That John Cabot died most probably shortly after his son's 
second departure. 

4. That the discovery of Hudson's Strait in 1496 must be con- 
cluded from Galvano's account, not from the spurious one of 

The editor is now preparing for the press a memoir on the 
north-western voyages of the Cabots, in which these matters will 
be more clearly explained than could be done in the short space 
here afforded. 

The notes on Cabot's map will be fovmd in the bibliographical 
list, under Cabot. 

The following are the sources which the editor has consulted : 

I. As regards the Scandinavians, his notes are taken from Rafn's 
celebrated work, where it is stated in various places that the re- 


miiining Icelandic documents respecting the north-western voyages 
of the Scandinavians are extremely numerous, and belong to almost 
every age, from the beginning of the voyages themselves down to 
the sixteenth century ; so that it is evident how very familiar the 
Icelanders must have been with these matters in Cabot's and 
Columbus' time. This seems to us even more clearly proved by 
the geographical manuals of the Icelanders than by the remain- 
ing fragments of their ancient records. These geographical sys- 
tems prove that the discovery of America, such as it presented 
itself to their minds, formed part and parcel of their general ideas, 
from which it can therefore not have been easily effaced. The 
interesting extract which we give (at the end of the Appendix) is 
taken from the Gripla, one of those geographical manuals which 
would seem, if we understand Mr. Rafn right, to belong on exter- 
nal evidence to the end of the fifteenth or beginning of the six- 
teenth century. We cannot perceive the weight of the reasons 
adduced by northern scholars for the fact, that on intrinsic evi- 
dence the Gripla must be much anterior to Columbus' and Cabot's 

II. John Cahofs arrival in England. — Sebastian^s birth. Mis- 
cellanies of the Philobiblon Society, ii. The paper on Cabot 
quoted in our Bibliographical list, p. 262. Peter Martyr, p. 232. 
Eden's Peter Martyr, p. 255. 

III. Influence of the Scandinavians. This idea was principally 
based on Gomara, ch. xxxix (p. 31), which we have since learnt 
to consider as a compilation made up from Peter Martyr, and from 
some fictions introduced by Gomara. 

IV. First Voijar/e. Charter granted by Henry VII, Hakluyt, iii, 4. 
Extract from Henry VII Book of Privy Purse, Biddle, Cabot, p. 
80, note; Miscellanies of Philobiblon Society, as reprinted in 
the text. Ramusio, Viaggi, v. i, p. 414, 415. (In the treatise on 
Spices, edition quoted in our Bibl. List). The History and Anti- 
quities of Bristol, p. 172. Cabot's Map; Chytraeus, p. 773 ; Hak- 
luyt, iii, 5. 

V. Events between First and Second Voijarje. Book of Privy 
Purse, Cabot, p. 86. Ramusio, loco citato. 

VI. Privilege granted to John Cabot, Biddle, Cabot, p. 76 ; 
Hakluyt, iii, 5. f f 


vii. Second Voyage. Fabian's Chronicle, a notice occurring in 
three different shapes : a. Hakluyt, Divers Voyages, Appendix 
specially devoted to Sebastian Cabot ; b. Stow, Annals, p. 481, 
edition quoted in Bibliographical list ; the same before in Hol- 
linshed Chronicle, edited by John Hooker, 1587 : date 1498 ; 
c. Hakluyt, Collections, iii, p. 9. Peter Martyr, p. 232 ; Galvano, 
p. 32; Gomara, ch. xxxix (p. 31); Willes (Hakluyt, iii, p, 25.) 

Yiii. Third Voyage. Eden, Treatise of New India, 1553, Dedi- 
cation ; Ramusio, Viaggi, iii, Introduction ; Thome's Letter to 
Henry VIII, loco citato. 


For the two Portuguese expeditions, see chapters i to iv in the 
second book of Mr. Biddle's Cabot (pp. 225-248) and the docu- 
ments quoted there ; and also, Discorso d'un Gran Capitano 
Francese, Ramusio, iii, 423 b. 


See Discorso d'un Gran Capitano Francese, Ramusio, iv, 423 b, 
and Vincent Le Blanc, Voyages (Paris, 1648) iii" partie, p. 66. 









Anno 1607, Aprill the nineteenth, at Saint Ethelburgc, iu 
Bishops Gate street, did communicate with the rest of the 
parishioners these persons, seamen, purposing to goe to sea 
foure dayes after, for to discover a passage by the North 
Pole to Japan and China. First, Henry Hudson, master. 
Secondly, "William Colines, his mate. Thirdly, James 
Young. Fourthly, John Colman. Fiftly, John Cooke. 
Sixtly, James Beubery. Seventhly, James Skrutton. Eightly, 
John Pleyce, Ninthly, Thomas Baxter. Tenthly, Richard 
Day. Eleventhly, James Knight. Twclfthly, John Hud- 
son,^ a boy. 

The first of May, 1607, we wayed anchor at Gravcsend, May. 
and on Tuesday, the sixe and twentieth day, in the morn- 
ing, we made the lies of Shotland,- and at noon we were in 'i)'"„"*'V''^ 
60 degrees 12 minutes, and sixe leagues to the eastward of 

1 Sou of Henry Hudson. [Ed.] - Shetland. [Ed.] 



them : the compass had no variation. Wc had sixty-fonre 
fathomcs at oui" sounding, blacke, ozie, sandie, with some 
yellow shels. Our ship made more way than we did sup- 
pose. On Saturday, the thirtieth of May, by our observa- 
tion we Avere in 61 degrees 11 minutes. This day I found 
the needle to incline 79 degrees under the horizon. For 
'/jl','^"}"^,'^"'^' foure dayes space we made very little way by contrary 

needle. • t 


June. Qj-^ Thursday, the fourth of June, we Avere, by our obser- 

vation, still in 61 degrees and 14 minutes, eight and twcntie 
or thirtie leagues from the norther part of Shothand : the 
land bearing by our accompt east and by north off us. I 
found variation in five degrees westerly. 

The seventh of June, wee were in Qio degrees 25 minutes. 
The eighth, all the forenoone we had a fresh gale southerly; 
we steered away north and by west : and by observation 

c5(iegices y^Q wcrc iu 65 dc^rees 27 minutes. 

2?" minutes. '^ 

The eleventh, wee saw sixe or seven whales necre our 
'ioMinutTs. shippc : we were in sixtie-seven degrees, thirtie minutes. 
About five of the clocke, the winde came up at north-cast 
and by east ; we steered away north north-west with a fresh 
gale all the night at east. The tivclfth, the winde was at 
east north-east, a stifTe gale ; Avee steered away as afore, and 
accounted wee had runne by this day noone thirtie leagues. 
In the after-noone we steered away north and by west 
fiftecne leagues ; all the night proved a great fogge with 
much wind. 

The tldrteenth, betweene one and two in the morning, we 
saw some land^ on head of us, and some ice ; and it being 

^ Hudson arrives at the coast of Greenland, along which he sails until 
the 22nd of .June. So much we learn from his remarks. But it is im- 
possible to ascertain with exactness the situation of the places indicated, 
or even to identify those named, such as Young's Cape, the JNIount 
of God's Mercy, and Hold with Hope. His own statements are vague, 
and the broad ice-fields, by which the coast has been encircled since his 
time, have prevented modern investigators from furnishing ns with 

FIRST VOYAGE (1607). 3 

a tliicke fogge we steered aAvay northerly, and having much 
wind, wee stood away south and by east six or eight leagues. 
Our saylc and shroudes did freeze. At eight in the morn- 
ing it cleered up, the wind being at north-east and by east, 
Avith much wind wee were hardly able to maintayne a sayle. 
This was a very high land, most part covered with snow. 
The neather part was uncovered. At the top it looked 
reddish, and underneath a blackish clay, with much ice 
lying about it. The part which we saw when wee cast 
about, trended east and west ; and the norther part which 
we saw, trended north-cast and by north and north-east ; 
and the length which wee saw was nine leagues : wee saw 
much fowle. Also wee saw a whale close by the shoare. 
Wee called the head-land Avhich we saw Younars Caiic ; and ^'o""o's 

° ^ ' Cape. 

neere it standcth a very high mount, like a round castle, 
Avhich wee called the Mount of Gods Mercie. All the after- riio Mourn, 

of Cods 

noone and all the evening it rained. At eight in the even- wercie. 
ing we cast about, and steered all night north and by west, 
and sometimes north north-west. 

The fourteenth, being neere the land, we had snow. At suow. 
foure in the morning, the wind vering northerly, we cast 
about and stood south-east and by south. This day wee had 
much wind and raine : we shorted sayle, being neere the 
land. T\i.Q fifteenth , in the morning, it blowed so much wind 
at north-east, that wee were not able to maintayne any sayle ; 
wee then strooke a hull, and let our ship drive, wayting for 
a fitter wind : this night was very much raine. The sixteenth 
was much Avind at north-east. The setentoenih, we set sayle 
at noone, we steered away east and by south, and east south- 
any correct outline. The contemporary maps give but little assistance ; 
the ancient chart of the Zeni having been used as the basis for the de- 
lineation of Greenland, and that chart, although superior to the gene- 
rality of its time, is nevertheless very imperfect. When, as in the 
account before us, we find various additional places incorporated into 
it, we can, of course,. place but small reliance upon the real accuracy of 
such materials, [l^d.] 


east. The eighteenth, in the afternoone, a fine gale south- 
east, which toward the evening increased, and we steered 
north-east three watches, twelve leagues. The ninetcentli, 
we steered away north north-east sixteene leagues. At noone 
wee had raine with foggc. From twelve to foure we steered 
north north-cast eight leagues, and did account ourselves in 
seventie degrees neerest hand, purposing to see whether the 
land which we made the thirteenth day were an iland or 
part of Groneland.' But then the fogge increased very 
thicke, with much wind at south, which made us alter our 
course and to shorten our sayle, and we steered away north- 
east. Being then, as we supposed, in the meridian of the 
same land, having no observation since the eleventh day, 
and lying a hull from the fifteenth to the seventeenth day, 
wee perceived a current setting to the south-west. This 
day wee saw three whales neere our ship, and having steered 
away north-east almost one watch, five leagues, the sea was 
growne every way : we supposed wee were thwart of the 
north-cast part of that land which we made the thirteenth 
day, and the current setting to wind-ward. The reason that 
mooved us to thinkc so, was, that after we had sayled five or 
sixe leagues in this sea, the wind neither increasing nor 
dulling, wee had a pleasant and smooth sea. All this night 
was foggie with a good gale of wind ; we steered away north- 
east untill the next day at noone, and sayled in that course 
twentie leagues. 

The twentieth, all the morning was a thicke fogge, with 
the winde at south ; wee steered north-east till noone. Then 

^ In the charts of this date, Greenland, as stated in the preceding note, 
was laid down from the map of the Zeni, where it is called Encjroneland, 
and from it the Groneland of Hudson is derived. We must not con- 
found this with what he calls Greenland, by which he means the 
Greodand of Earentz, that is to say, Spitzhergen. In short, it is worth 
remembering, that wherever Hudson mentions Groneland, he intends 
Greenland, and when he speaks of Greodand we must understand Sjniz- 
berffcn. [Kd.] 

FIKST VOYAGE (1607). 5 

wc changed our course, and steered away north north-cast, 

hoping for an open sea in our course to fall with the bodie 

of Newland.' This day, at two in the aftcrnoone, it cleercd 

up, and M'ee saw the sunne, which wee had not scene since 

the second of this moneth. Having steered north north- Note. 

east two watches and a halfe, fifteene or sixteene leagues, 

wee saw land on our larboord, about four leagues off us, lamion 

trending, as wee could ghess, north-east and south-west. ^'^°'''* 

AVee steered away east north-east, the wind at south a good 

o-ale, but reasonable clcere : wee saw many birds with blacke J^' 'V> 

backes and white bellies, in forme much like a ducke, we 

saw also many pieces of ice drivinar at the sea. We loofed ^^I'l'i'dnft 

- i ~ lee. 

for one and went roomer for another. And this morning, t^o^^^e^pdCse 
about foure, a thicke fogge we saw ahead of us. roomw-, 

mi 7 • 7 • 1 • 11 cout[i-ary]. 

Ihe owe and twentteth, m the morning, we steered north- 
east and east north-east two watches, five or sixe leagues. 
Then it grew thicke fogge. And we cast about, and steered 
north-east and east north-east two w^atches, sixe leagues, 
finding wee were embayed. The wind came at east south- 
east a little gale : we tacked about and lay south. All this 
night was a thicke fog with little winde, east we lay with the 

The two and twentieth, in the morning, it cleered up, 
being calme about two or three of the clocke : after, we had 
a prettie gale, and we steered away east and by north three 
leagues. Our observation was in 72 degrees 38 minutes ; 
and changing our course wee steered north-east, the wind at 

^ Nieuland is the name given to Spitzbergen by several of the Dutch 
geographers, this the English afterwards converted into King James his 
NeidaMd. The most general name for the country was, however, Green- 
laud, originating from a mistaken notion respecting the northern terri- 
tory discovered by the ancient Scandinavians. Tlie first who fell into 
this mistake was Barentz. The name of Spitzbergen was invented by 
flessel Gerard, in 1613, possibly on the authority of Barentz. Gerard, 
however, refers the name to the year 1596. See Dr. Eekc's Introduc- 
tion to De Vecr^ p. Ixxxvii. [Ed.] 


south-east, a prcttic gale. This morning, when it cleered 
up, we saw the land, trending neere hand east north-east 
and west south-west, esteeming ourselves from it twelve 
leagues. It was a mayne high-land, nothing at all covered 
with snow ; and the north part of that mayne high-land was 
very high mountaynes, but Ave could see no snow on them. 
We accounted, by our observation, the part of the mayne 
land lay neerest hand in 73 degrees. The many fogs and 
calmes, with contrary winds and much ice neere the shoare, 
held us from farther discovery of it. It may bee objected 
against us as a fault, for haling so westerly a course. The 
chiefe cause that moved us thereunto, was our desire to see 
that part of Groneland, which (for ought that Ave know) Avas 
to any Christian unknoAvne ; and Avee thought it might as 
well have beene open sea as land, and by that meanes our 
passage should have beene the larger to the Pole; and the 
hope of having a westerly Avind, Avhich Avould be to us a 
landerly Avind if Avee found land. And considering Avec 
found land contrarie to that Avhich our cards make mention 
of, we accounted our labour so much the more Avorth. And, 
for ought that Avee could see, it is like to bee a good land, 
and Avorth the seeing. 

On the one and hventieth day, in the morning, Avhile we 
steered our course north north-east, we thought we had 
embayed ourselves, finding land on our larboord and ice 
upon it, and many great pieces of drift ice : Ave steered away 
north-east, Avith diligent looking out every cleere for land, 
having a desire to know Avhether it would leave us to the 
cast, both to know the bredth of the sea, and also to shape 
a more northerly course. And considering Avee kncAV no 
name given to this land, Avee thought good to name it Hold- 
Avith-Hope, lying in 73 degrees of latitude. 

The sunne Avas on the meridian on the south part of the 
compasse, neerest hand. Hecre it is to bee noted, that Avhen 
Ave made the Mount of Gods Mcrcie and Youngs Cape, the 


land was covered with snow for the most part, and extreame 
cohl, when wee approached ncerc it : bnt this hvnd was 
very temperate to our feeling. And this likewise is to he 
noted, that being two dayes without observation, notwith- 
standing our lying a hull by reason of much contrary wind, 
yet our observation and dead-reckoning were within eight 
leagues together, our shippe being before us eight leagues. 
This night, untill next morning, prooved little winde. 

The three and twentieth, in the morning, we had an hard 
gale on head of us, with much rayne that fell in veiy great 
drops, much like our thunder-showers in England ; wee 
tacked about and stood east northerly with a short sayle ; 
to our feeling it was not so cold as before we had it. It was 
calme from noone to three of the clocke with fogge. After 
the winde came up at east and east south-east, we steered 
away north-east with the fogge and rayne. About seven or 
eight of the clocke, the wind increased with extreame fogge, 
wee steered away with short sayle east north-east and some- 
times east and by north. About twelve at midnight the 
wind came up at south-Avest ; we steered away north, being 
reasonable cleere Aveather. 

1l\\& four and twentieth, in the morning, about two of the 
clocke, the masters mate thought he saAV land on the lar- 
boord, trending north north-west westerly, and the longer 
we ranne north the more it fell away to the west, and did 
thinke it to bee a mayne high land. This day, the wind 
being westerly, we steered away north, and by observation 
we were in 73 degrees nearest hand. At noone we changed 
our course, and steered away north and by east; and at our 
last observation, and also at this, we found the meridian all 
leeward on the south and by west, Avesterly part of the com- 
passe, when we had sayled two watches, eight leagues. 

The fixe and twentieth, the wind scanted and came 
up at north north-west ; we lay north-east two watches, 8 
leagues. After the Avind became variable betwecne the 


north-east and the north, we steered away east and by north 
and sometimes east; we had thicke fogge. About noone 
three granpasses played about our shippe. This after-noone 
the wind vered to the east and south-east : we haled away 
north and by east. This night was close weather, but small 
fogge (we use the word night for distinction of time, but 
long before this the sunne was alway above the horizon, but 
as yet we could never see him upon the meridian north.) 

75 degrees. Xliis night, being by our accompt in the latitude of 75 de- 
forces, we saw small flockes of birds, with blacke backes and 
white bellies, and long speare tayles. We supposed that 

farre off' land was not farre off; but we could not discrie any, with all 
the diligence which we could use, being so close weather 
that many times we could not see sixe or seven leagues off. 

The sixe and twentieth, in the morning, was close wea- 
ther ; we had our wind and held our course as afore. This 

7fi degrees ^.^y q^^. observation was 76 degrees o'^ minutes ; and Ave 

38 minutes. •' o ^ 

had birds of the same sort as afore, and divers other of that 
colour, having red heads, that we saw when we first made 
the Mount of Gods Mercy in Greenland, but not so many. 
After we steered away north and by east, two watches, ten 
leagues, with purpose to fall with the souther part of 
Newland, accounting ourselves 10 or 12 leagues from the 
land. Then wee stood away north-east, one watch, five 

The sei:en and twentieth, about one or two of the clocke 
or Newlami i^ ^^ momiug, wc made Newland, being cleere weather on 
discovered. ^^ ^^^ . |^^^ ^^^ X-dx^^ was covcrcd with fogge, the ice lying 
very thick all along the shore for 15 or 16 leagues, which 
we saw. Having faire wind wee coasted it in a very pleas- 
ing smooth sea, and had no ground at an hundred fathoms 
foure leagues from the slioare. This day, at noone, wee 
ra degrees, accouutcd Ave were in 78 degrees, and we stood along the 
slioare. This day was so foggie, that we were hardly able 
to sec the land many times, but by our account we were 

riKST VOVAOK (l()OT). 9 

iiearc Vosrcl Hooke.' About ci<>ht of the clockc this cevcn- voo,.i 

~ '^ Jlooko. 

ing, we purposed to shape our course from thence north- 
west. Heere is to bee noted, that although we ranne along 
neere the shoare, we found no great cold ; which made us 
thinke that if we had beene on shoore the place is temper- T.-nMu,.,aie 


ate. Holding this north-west course, about ten of the clocke 
at night, we saw great store of ice on head off us, bearing 
wester off us ; which wee could not goe cleere off with the 
foresayd course. Then we tact about, and stood away be- 
tweene the south and the south-east, as much desirous to 
leave this land as Me were to see it. 

The eiffht and twejiiiclh was a hard gale of wind all the 
fore-noone, betweene the south and the south-west. We 
shaped our course ' , we did it to bee 

farther from the ice and land. It pleased God that about 
twelve of the clocke this night it cleered up, and we found 
that we were betweene the land and the ice ; Vogel Hooke 
then bearing nearest hand east off us. Then we tacked 
about and stood in for the shoare, having sea-roome be- 
tween the ice and the land. Tlie ?ime and tioejitieih, at 
foure in the morning the wind at north-east, a pretic gale, 
we thought best to shorten our way ; so we tacked about 
and stood north north-west, the •wind a little increasing. 
About twelve at noone, we saw ice ahead off us ; we cast 
about again and stood away east south-east with ver}^ much 
wind, so that we shortned our sayles for the space of two 

^ Vogel Hooke, (Vogel-hoeck) — Bird Cape. According to Dr. Bcke 
(p. Ixxxvii), a point on the western coast of Spitzbergen. It is so 
laid down in an old map, published in the " Begin en Voortgang 
von de Nederlandsche Oostindische Compagnie," 4to, Amsterdam, 1646 ; 
in the first part, containing the Voyages to the North, 1595 to 1597. 
This a copy of an English map by Daniel, published in London, 1612, 
but which we have not been able to find. Dr. Petermann assigns to 
Vogel-hoeck quite a different place; but the scantiness of the materials 
does not seem to us to warrant any decided opinion. [Ed.] 

^ Blank in the original edition. [Ed.] 


Avatclics, Then about eight this ecvening we strucke a hull, 
and it proved the hardest storme that we had in this voy- 
age. The thirtieth, in the morning, was stormie ; about noone 
it ceased ; at seven in the eevening it proved almost calme. 

July. T\veji7'st of Juhj, all the fore-noone the wind was at south- 

east ; we stood north-east for the shoare, hoping to finde an 
open sea betweene the shoare and the ice. About noone 
wee were embayed with ice, lying betweene the land and us. 

rs degrees By our observation we were in 78 degrees 42 minutes, 

4x! minutes. '' 

whereby we accounted we were thwart of the great In- 
draught. And to free ourselves of the ice, we steered be- 
tweene the south-east and south, and to the westward, as 
we coidcl have sea ; and about six this eevening it pleased 
God to give us cleere weather ; and we found we were shot 
iiie great farro into the inlet, being almost a bay, and environed with 


very high niountaynes, with low land lying betweene them ; 
wee had no ground in this bay at an hundred fathoms. 
Then, being sure where we were, we steered away west, the 
wind at south-east and calme, and found all our ice on the 
norther shoare and a cleare sea to the sou.thward. 

The second, it pleased God to give us the wind at north- 
east, a faire gale with cleere weather, the ice being to the 
northward off us, and the weather shoare, and an open sea 
to the southwards under our lee. We held on our course 
north-west till twelve of the clocke ; having sayled in that 
course 10 leagues, and finding the ice to fall from us to the 
,' we gave thankes to God who marvellously 
preserved us from so many dangers amongst so huge a quan- 
titie of ice and fogge. We steered away north-west, hoping 
7fif]ep;rees to bc ixcQ from Ice ; we had observation 78 degrees, 56 

fit) niimiles. 

minutes ; we fell with ice againe, and trended it as it lay 

betweene the west and south south-east. The third, Ave had 

TMdoRrpps observation 78 degrees, 33 minutes. This day wee had our 

yi! IJlililllrs. , . 

shrouds frozen ; it was searching cold ; we also trended the 
1 Blank in original edition. [Eil.] 


ice, not knowing whether we were cleare or not, the wind 
being at north. 

The fourth, was very cold, and our shroudes and sayles '''>'' , 
frozen ; we found we were farre in the inlet. The wind r,'o'^ J„.'^ ''^^ 
being at north, we bcare up and stood south south-east, 
and south and south-west by west till ten this night. The 
J{fi, was very niuch wind at north-easterly ; at twelve we 
strooke a hull, havin<:j brought ourselves neare the mouth '^'i" "i"""> 
of the inlet. 

The sixth, in the morning, the wind was as before, and the 
sea growne. This morning we came into a very greene sea ; 
we had our observation 77 degrees, 30 minutes. This after- 77 degreps 

so minutes. 

noone the wind and sea asswaged. About foure of the 
clocke we set sayle, and steered north-west and by west, the 
>vind being at north north-east. This day proved the clear- 
est day we had long before. The sevetith, at foure in the 
morning, was very cleare weather, and the fairest morning 
that we saw in three weekes before ; we steered as afore, 
beino^ by our account in 78 degrees nearest hand, and out of ;;"; f'sgrees 

° *' O ' 'I he end ol 

the Sacke. We found we were compassed in with land and ""^ ^''^''*^- 
ice, and were agaiue entred into a blacke sea, which by proofe a wucke 
we found to be an open passage. Now, having the wind at ^'="- 
north north-east, we steered away south and by east, with 
purpose to fall with the southcrmost part of this land, which 
we saw ; hoping by this meane, either to defray the charge 
of the voyage, or else, if it pleased God in time to give us a 
faire wind to the north-east, to satisfie expectation. All this 
day and night afterward proved calme. 

The eight, all the forc-noone proved calme and very tliicke 
fogge. This morning we saw many peeces of drift-wood J^^^'^'^j '•'■'"" 
drive by us ; we heaved out our boate to stop a leake, and 
mended our riggings. This day wee saw many scales, and '^'^y 
two fishes which we judged to bee sea-horses or morses. At ^''^''^'^^• 
twelve this night we had the winde at east and by south ; 
Avee stood away north-east. 


The ninth, all the fore-noone was little wind at south-east, 
with tliicke fogge. This clay we were in amongst ilands of 
ice, where we saw many scales. 

The tenth, in the morning, was foggie ; afterward it 
proved clecre ; we found we were compassed with ice every 
Avay about us ; wee tacked about, and stood south and by 
west, and south south-west, one watch, five leagues, hoping 
to get more sea-roome and to stand for the north-east ; we 
had the wind at north-west. 
From hence '^^-^Q, eleventh, vcrv cleere weather, with the winde at 

it seemeth '' 

is taken out gouth-east-soutli : we were come out of the blue sea into our 

01 lien. ^ 

rw^ne^notes. grccne sea againe, where we saw whales. Now, having a 
fresh gale of wind at south south-east, it behooved mee to 
change my course, and to sayle to the north-east, by the 

Blue and southcr cud of Ncwlaud. But being come into a greene sea, 

greene seas. 

praying God to direct mee, I steered away north ten leagues. 
After that we saw ice on our larboord, we steered away east 
and by north three leagues, and left the ice behind us. Then 
wee steered away north till noone. This day wee had the 
sunne on the meridian south and by west, westerly, his 
greatest height was o7 degrees, 20 minutes. By this ob- 
ro degrees scrvatiou WO wcrc in 79 degrees, 17 minutes ; we had a fresh 

17 minutes. 

gale of wind and a smooth sea, by meanes whereof our ship 
had out-runne us. At ten this eevening cleere weather, and 
then we had the company of our troublesome neighbours, 
ice with fogge. The wind was at south south-west. Heere 
we saw plentie of scales, and we supposed beares had beene 
heere, by their footing and dung upon the ice. This day. 

Sick of inanv of mv companie were sickc with eating of bcarcs flesh 

iui«aiied. t}^e ([r^y before unsalted. 

The twelfth, for the most part, was thickc fogge ; wee 
steered betwcene south and by east, and south south-east 
2(5 leagues, to cleere us of the ice. Then we had the wind 
at south ; wee steered till noone north-east five leagues. This 
morning we had our shroudcs frozen. At noone, by our 


accompt, we were in 80 degrees, being little wind at west ^'^ degrees. 
south-west, almost calme with thicke foggc. This after- 
noone we steered away north and sometimes north-east. 
Then Ave saw ice ahead off us ; we cast about and stood 
south-east, with little wind and fogge. Before we cast about 
by meanes of the thicke fogge, we were very neere ice, being 
calme, and the sea setting on to the ice, which was very 
dangerous. It pleased God at the very instant to give us a 
small gale, which Avas the meanes of our deliverance ; to 
Him be praise therefore. At twelve this night it cleared 
up, and out of the top William Collins, our boatswaine, 
saw the land, called Newland by the Hollanders, bearing ^-wiaud or 
south south-west twelve leagues from us. Hoii'and«r!f 

The thirteenth, in the morning, the wind at south and by lutiedis'- 

covei'ie by 

east, a arood srale, we cast about and stood north-east and by Barents, as 
east, and by observation we were in 80 degrees, 23 minutes. d'^'iv<'ied; 

^ J O ' but neither 

This day we saw many whales. This fore-noone proved go e"act "or 
cleere weather, and we could not see any signe of ice out of nor first, 'as 

before is ob- 

the top. Betweene noone and three of the clocke, we steered served of 

^ ' Sir H. Wil- 

away north-east and by east five leagues ; then we saw ice £1"°}-^^ ^ 
on head off us ; we steered east two glasses, one league, and coverfes, '^" 
could not be cleare of the ice with that course. Then we wh'aie and 


steered away south-east two leasrues I, after we sayled east benefit, tbey 

•' O "J ' ^ ./ also enter- 

and by north, and east foure leagues, till eight the next ^^r®'^- 

The foureteenth, in the morning, was calme with fogge. 
At nine, the wind at east, a small gale with thicke fogge ; 
wee steered south-east and by east, and running this course 
we found our greene sea a2:aine, which by proofe we found Greene sea 

O O i J if freest of ice, 

to be freest from ice, and our azure blue sea to be our icie ?,"'i'!i! 

^ 0lU6 Set* 

sea. At this time Ave had more birds then we usually found. '"*' 
At noone, being a thicke fogge, we found ourselves neere 
land, bearing east off us ; and running farther Ave found a 
bay open to the Avest and by north northerly, the bottonie 
and sides thereof being to our sight very high and ragged 


land. The norther side of this bayes mouth being high hind 
coUius is a small iland, the Avhich we called Collins Cape,' by the 
name of our boat-swaine, who first saw it. In this bay Ave 
saw many whales, and one of our company having a hooke 
Whale and line over-boord to trie for fish, a whale came under the 
keele of our ship and made her held ; yet by Gods mercie 
we had no harme, but the losse of the hooke and three parts 
of the line. At a south-west sunne from the north-west and 
by north, a flood set into the bay. At the mouth of this bay 
we had sounding thirtie fathoms, and after sixe and twentie 
fathoms, but being farther in, we had no ground at an hun- 
dred fathoms, and therefore judged it rather a sound then 
a bay. Betweene this high ragged, in the swampes and 
vallies lay much snow. Heere wee found it hot. On the 
souther side of this bay, lye three or fourc small ilauds or 
A sound is In the bottome of this bay, John Colman, my mate, and 

a greater 

Hi,(i deeper "William Collins, my boat-swaine, with two others of our 

then a bay. company went on shoare, and there they found and brought 

aboord a payre of morses teeth in the jaw ; they likewise 

found whales bones, and some dosen or more of deeres 

homes ; they saw the footings of beasts of other sorts ; they 

also saw rote-geese ;^ they saw much drift-wood on the 

shoare, and found a streame or two of fresh water. Here 

Heat they found it hot on the shoare, and drank -water to coole 

80 degrees, their tliirst, which they also commended. Here we found 

the want of a better ship-boate. As they certified me, they 

were not on the shoare past half an hourc, and among other 

^ This island is not marked upon any old map or chart, and the de- 
scription here given of it, is insufficient to determine its place with any 
degree of certainty. [Ed.] 

^ Supposed to have been thus named from their peculiar cry ; see the 
observations of Dr. Beke on these geese, De Veer, pp. 79-81. We may 
call the reader's attention to the fact that Hudson does not fall into the 
error of Phillip, who, misled by the ear, mistook the Dutch rot-gansen 
for red geese. 

FIRST VOYAGE (1C07). 15 

things brought aboord a stone of the countrey, AAHicn they 
went from us it Avas cahne, but presently after we had a gale 
of wind at north-east, which came with the flood with fogge. 
We plyed too and againe in the bay, waiting their com- 
ming ; but after they came aboord we had the wind at east 
and by south a fine gale ; Ave minding our voyage, and the 
time to perform it, steered away north-east and north north- 
east. This night proved cleere, and we had the sunne on 
the meridian, on the north and by east part of the compasse ; 
from the upper edge of the horizon, with the crosse-staflfe, 
we found his height 10 degrees, 40 minutes, without allow- i*oli"g,ees 
ing any thing for the semidiameter of the sunne, or the dis- hiyh'.",Ibou1, 
tance off the end of the staffe from the center in the eye. 
From a north sunne to an east sunne, we sayled betweene 
north and north north-east, eight leagues. 

The fifteenth, in the morning, was very cleere weather, 
the sunne shining warme, but little wind at east southerly. 
By a south-east sunne we had brought Collins Cape to beare 
off us south-east, and we saw the high land of Newland, that 
part by us discovered on our starboord, eight or ten leagues 
from us, trending north-east and by east, and south-Avest and 
by Avest, eighteene or tAventie leagues from us to the north- 
east, being a very high mountaynous land, like ragged 
rockes with snow betAveene them. By mine account, the 
norther part of this land Avhich noAV we saAV, stretched into 
81 degrees. All this day proved cleere weather, little AAand, '"*^ ^''^^rees. 
and reasonable warme. 

The sixteenth, in the morning warme and cleere Aveathcr ; 
the wind at north. This morning we saw that Ave Avere com- 
passed in Avith ice in abundance, lying to the north, to the 
north-west, the east and south-east ; and being runne toAvard 
the farthest part of the land by us discovered, which for the 
most part trendeth nearest hand north-cast and south-Avest, 
Avee saw more land joyning to the same, trending north in our ^;',""'i,in 
sight, by meanes of the clecrncssc of the Aveather, stretching 'Je'^',.j 

into R2 


farre into 82 degrees,' and by the bowing or shewing of the 
skie much farther. Which when I first saw, I hoped to 
have had a free sea between the land and the ice, and meant 
to have compassed this land by the north. But now, find- 
ing by proofe it was unpossible, by means of the abundance 
of ice compassing us about by the north and joyning to the 
land, and seeing God did blesse us with a faire wind to sayle 
They re- bv the south of this land to the north-east, we returned, 

turned. "' _ 

bearing up the helme, minding to hold that part of the land 
which the Hollanders had discovered in our sight ; and if 
contrary winds should take us, to harbour there, and to trie 
what we could finde to the charge of our voyage, and to 
proceed on our discoverie as soone as God should blesse us 
with windc. And this I can assure at this present, that be- 
tweene 78 degrees and ^ and 82 degrees, by this way there 
is no passage:' but I think this land may bee profitable to 
those that will adventure it. In this bay before spoken of, 
Abunriance and about tliis coast, we saw more abundance of scales then 


Ave had scene any time before, swimming in the water. At 
noone this day, having a stiffe gale of wind at north, we 
were thwart of Collins Cape, standing in 81 degrees and a 
halfe ; and at one of the clocke the cape beare north-east off 
us. From thence I set our course west south-west, Avith 
purpose to keepe in the open sea free from ice, and sayled 
in that course 16 leagues. At ten this night we steered 
away south-west, with the wind at north, a hard gale, untill 
eight the next morning, 18 leagues. 

The seventeenth, in the morning, a good gale at north ; 
at eight we altered our course, and steered away south till 

^ Captain Beechey {Voyage of Discovery, p. 271), supposes this to be 
the Seven Islands. The highest point reached in boats and sledges by 
Captain Parry in 1827, lies under 82° 45'. 

^ Hudson is mistaken in this respect. It is not clear, however, whe- 
ther he was arrested by ice only or by land. If the latter were the case, 
some of his observations with regard to latitudes must be incorrect. 


eight iu the eevening, and ranne 12 leagues. This day 
proved reasonable cleere and war me. The eightcentli , in the 
morning, the wind encreased at south and by cast, with 
thickc fogge. All this after-noone and night proved close 
Aveathcr, little fogge, and reasonable warme. 

The nineteenth, at eight in the morning, the wind at 
south, with thicke fogge ; we steered south-east 4 leagues 
till noone ; then the wind vcred more large ; wee steered 
south-east and by east four leagues till foure ; then wee vered 
shete, and steered cast and by south-easterly 15 leagues, till 
eight the next morning. This day, after the morning, proved 
reasonable cleere and MMrme. 

The twentieth, in the morning, little wind ; at eight this 
morning wee saw land ahead of us under our lee, and to 
weatherward of us, distant from us 12 leagues, being part of 
Newland. It is very high mountainous land ; the highest 
that we had scene untill now. As we sayled neere it, we 
saw a Sound ahead of us, lying east and west. The land on 
the norther side of this Sound's mouth, trendeth neerest hand 
west north-west, and east south-east 12 leagues, in our sight, 
being 10 leagues from us ; and the land on the souther side, 
being 8 or 10 leagues in our sight, at this time trendeth 
south south-east and north north-west '} from eight to noone 
was calme. This day, by observation, we were in 77 des^'ces, ""fiocrrees, 

•^ -^ _ O ' 2C minutes. 

26 minutes. On the norther side of the mouth of this inlet 
lie three ilands,^ not farre the one from the other, being very 
high mountainous land. The farthest of the three to the 
north-west hath foure very high mounts, like heapcs of 
cornc. That iland next the inlets mouth, hath one very high 
mount on the souther end. Here one of our companie killed 
a red-billed bird. All this day after the morning, and all 

^ This is perhaps the best description extant of Bell Sound, on the 
west coast of Spitzbergon. 

^ These three islands arc not, as far as we know, marked on any map 
of Spitzbergen. 



night, proved calme, enclining rather to heate then cold. 
This night wee had some warme rayne. 

The one and twentieth, all the fore-noone calme ; at fonre 
in the after-noone we had a small gale of wind at south 
south-east, with fog ; we steered away east to stand in with 
the land, and sayled 3 leagues untill mid-night : then the 
wind came at north-east, we cast about, and steered south 
10 leagues till eight the next morning. The two and tioen- 
tieth, at eight in the morning much wind at east, and varia- 
ble, with short sayle wee steered 3 leagues south and by 
east : then came down very much wind ; we strooke a hull. 
All this after-noone and night, proved very much wind with 

The three and twentieth, all the fore-noone was very much 
wind at south, with raine and fogge. At foure this after- 
noone wee saw land, bearing north-east of us, 6 from 
us. Then we had the wind at south south-west ; wee steered 
away south-east and south-east and by east 4 leagues, the sea 
being very much growne. We accounted we had hulled 
north-west and by north 22 leagues, and north 3 leagues. 
Then fearing with much wind to be set on a lee-shoare we 
tackt about, and made our way good west and by north, half 
a point northerly all this night with much wind. 

The four and twentieth, in the morning, much wind as 
afore, and the sea growne. This morning wee strooke our 
mayne top-mast to ease our ship, and sayled from the last 
eevening, eight, to this noone, 15 leagues west and by north 
halfe a point northerly. From twelve to eight, six leagues 
as afore, with the wind at south and by west ; at eight we 
tackt about with the winde at south south-west, and lay 
south-cast and by east, with much winde, and the sea growne. 

The fixe and twentieth was a cleere morning : we set our 
maync top-mast : we saw land bearing north of us, and 
under our lee, we sayling south-east and by cast. Then the 
wind scanted : Ave cast about, and lay south-west and by 

FIRST VOYAGE (1607). 19 

west 2 leagues -^ till noone. Then it began to overcast, and 
the wind to scant againc : we cast about, and lay south-east 
and by south, the wind at south-west and by west, and saylcd 
in that course 3 leagues, till foure in the after-noone. Then 
the wind scanted againe, and we sayled 3 leagues south. 
Now, seeing how contrarie the winde proved to doe the 
good which wee desired this way, I thought to prove our 
fortunes by the west once again ; and this eevening at eight, 
wee being in the latitude of 78, with the better, and from 
land 15 leagues, which leagues part whereof beare from the 
north-east to the east off^ us, we steered away west, with the 
wind at south-east, and cleere weather. 

The sixe mid tweiitieth, all this day proved rayne with 
thicke fogge, and an hard gale of wind at east and by north, 
and east north-east. From the last eevening at eight to this 
noone, wee ranne ;25 leagues : from noone till midnight 19 
leagues, the wind at east and by south ; from mid-night till 
two the next morning, 2 leagues west. 

The seveti and twentieth, extreme thicke fog, and little 
wind at east and by south. Then it proved calme, and the 
sea very loftie. AVee heard a great rutte or noise with the 
ice and sea, which was the first ice we heard or saw since 
we were at Collins Cape : the sea heaving us westward 
toward the ice. Wee heaved out our boat, and rowed to 
towe out our ship farther from the danger ; which would 
have beene to small purpose, by meanes the sea went so '^'"'^; 
high : but in this extremitie it pleased God to give us a small 
gale at north-west and by west, we steered aAvay south-east, 
4 leagues, till noone. Here wee had finished our discoverie, 
if the wind had continued that brought us hither, or if it 
had continued calme ; but it pleased God to make this north- 
west and by west wind the meane of our deliverance : which 
wind wee had not found common in this voyage. God 
give us thankfull hearts for so great deliverance. Here we 

^ In the neighbourhood of Ice Sound, on the west coast of Spitzbevgcn. 


found the want of a good ship-boat, as once we had done 
whiiits Day. j^p^Qj.g ^^ Whales Bay: we wanted also halfe a dozen long 
oares to rowe in our ship. At noone the day cleered up, 
and we saw by the skie ice bearing off us, from west south- 
west to the north and north north-east. Then we had a 
good gale at west ; we steered away south till foure, 7 
leagues. From foure to six, south 4 leagues, and found by 
the icy skie and our neereness to Groneland that there is no 
passage that Avay : Avhich, if there had beene, I meant to 
have made my returne by the north of Groneland to Davis 
his Streights, and so for England.^ Here finding we had 
the benefit of a westerly wind, which all this voyage we had 
found scant, we altered our course and steered to the east- 
ward, and ran south-east foure leagues. From eight this 
eevening till noone the next day, east south-east, 30 leagues. 
All this day and night proved very cold, by meanes, as I 
suppose, of the winds comming off so much ice. 

The ei(//d and twentieth, very cold, the wind at west, not 
very foggie. At noone this day we steered away south-east 
and by east, and by observation we were 76 degrees, 36 
minutes.^ From noone to eight, 10 leagues. Then the wind 
scanted to south-east and by south, we steered away east 
and by north 18 leagues, till the next day noone. 

The nine and twentieth, all the fore-noone a thicke fog 
and wet, the wind at south-east and by east, nearest hand, 
and raw cold. From noone to foure wee sayled three leagues 
east and by north, halfe a point northerly. Then the Avind 
veered more large ; Ave steered east and by south 8 leagues 
till twelve at night. At this time to windward Ave heard 

^ Greenland, which Hudson alwc\ys calls Groneland, was up to his 
time too imperfectly known to prevent his entertaining the hope of re- 
turning home by the north of it. The fact that a passage does not 
exist, is one of tite most important geographical results obtained by this 

^ About ()' to the N.W. of South Cape, on Point Lookout, the most 
southern point of yiiit/.bergen. 

FIKST VOYAGE (1607). 21 

the rutte of land, which I knew to be so by the colour of the 
sea. It was extreme thicke fog, so that we could hardly 
see a cables length from our ship. We had ground 25 
fathoms, small blacke pcble stones. Wee sounded againe, 
and had ground at 30 fathomes, small stones like beanes ; 
at the next cast no ground at GO fathomes. I cast about 
againe and steered south-west six leagues, west and by north 
two leagues, till the next day noone. All this day and night 
extreme thicke fog. 

The thirtieth, all the forc-noonc very thicke fog. At 
noone almost calme : after we had little wind, and steered 
north north-west till two : then it cleercd up, so that we 
could see from us 2 leagues with the wind at north-west. 
Then we steered east south-east : after it cleered. At south, 
in the eevening, we saw an iland bearing off us north-west 
from us 5 leagues, and we saw land bearing off from us 7 
leagues.^ We had land likewise bearing off us from east south- 
east to south-east and by east as we judged, 10 leagues. Then, 
having the winde at west north-west, we steered south and 
by east. It presently proved calme till ten this eevening : 
then wee had a little gale at south-west and by west ; wee 
steered away south south-east till twelve this night, and 
accounted ourselves in 76,^ from land 10 leagues : which was 
the likeliest land that wee had scene on all parts of New- 
land, being playne riggie land of a meane height and not 
ragged, as all the rest was that we had scene this voyage, 
nor covered with snow. At twelve this night wee saw two 
morses in the sea neere us swimming to land. From twelve 
at night to foure, calme. 

The o?ie and thirtieth, at foure this morning, we had the 
wind at south-east ; we steered south south-west. Then it 

^ This island seems not to be marked on the maps. 

^ An evident mistake in Hudson's dead reckoning ; Spitzbert^en docs 
not extend farther south than 76° 30'. These mistakes frequently occur 
in the Arctic regions, and we must be careful with regard to every state- 
ment that is not based on astronomical observations. 



proved calme, and so continued all the fore-noone. The 
after-noone wee had the wind at east south-east : we steered 
south, 8 leagues. Then being like to prove much wind, 
contrarie to our purpose, and finding our fog more thicke 
and troublesome then before, divers things necessarie want- 
ing, and our time well nigh spent to doe further good this 
yeere, I commanded to beare up for our returne for Eng- 
land, and steered away south south-west. And this night 
proved a hard gale of wind at south-east and by east. We 
cheiie were thwart of Cheries Iland^ the next morning, at foure of 
the clocke, being to windward off us 5 leagues : knowing 
we were neere it, we looked out carefully for the same, and 
it proving cleere, we saw it, being a very ragged land on 
the water side, rising like hey-cockes. 

The first of August, a very hard gale of wind at east 
south-east ', we shorted sayle and steered away south south- 
west. This night was very foggie, with a hard gale of wind at 
east and by south ; we steered by our account 27 leagues : and 
from eight this eevening till the next morning foure, 10 leagues 
as afore. All this night was very foggie, wet and raw cold. 

The second, in the morning, calme, with a thicke fog, cold 
and slabbie weather. About noone we had a little gale west 
and b)^ north : we steered away as afore. The third, in the 
morning calme and cleere weather, with a little gale east 
and by south ; we sayled south south-west : then wee had 
the wind at south-east, wee sayled as afore. All this day 
and night proved close weather, a little fogge at noone, 
which continued not long. At twelve this night the wind 
vcrcd to the east and by north, wee held our course south 
south-west as afore. 

The fifteenth of August we put into the lies of Farrc,^ 
standing in 52 degrees ; and the Fifteentli of September I 
arrived in Tilbcrie Hope in the Thames. 

^ Discovered by Barcntz. Stephen Beuuett visited it iu 1C03, and 
called it after his jtatrou, Francis Oheiic. 
^ The Faroe Islands. 




Their names employed in this action are as followcth : 
Henry Hudson, master and pilot ; Robert Juet,^ the mas- 
ter his mate : Ludlowe Arnall ; John Cooke, boatsonne ; 
Philip Stacie, carpenter ; John Barnes ; John Braunch, 
cooke ; John Adrey ; James Strutton ; Michel Feirce ; Tho- 
mas Hilles ; Richard Tomson ; Robert Raynar ; John Hud- 
son ; and Humfrey Gilby. The courses observed in this 
journall were by a compasse, that the needle and the north 
of the Flye were directly one on the other. 

Anno 1608, the Uvo and tioentieth of Ajml I, heiwg Friday, Aprin. 
we set sayle at Saint Katherines," and fell downe to Blacke- 

The twentieth of May, at noone, by observation we were i\tay. 
in 6-1 degrees, 52 minutes ; and at this time and place the 
needle declined under the horizon by the inclinatory 81 
degrees, and wee had a smooth sea, by meanes whereof my 
observation was good. 

The one and tioentieth, at night, thicke fog ; wee sayled 
north north-east ; wee steered north north-east as afore : in 
the after-noone little wind and thicke fog ; we accounted us 
in 67 degrees, the sea smooth, the needle declined 82 de- 
grees ; this night was calme and clecre. The three and tioen- 

^ I have Robert Juetts journall also, for brevitie omitted. [Purchas.] 
2 Where the St. Katherine's Docks now are. 


tieth, in the morning the wind was easterly, we stood north 
north-east, and north and by east. All the fore-noone was 
foggie : in the after-noone it cleered, and the wind shortned 
upon us, we made our way good north all night. TYie foure 
and iwentieth, the wind at east north-east, and east and by 
north, we lay as neere as wee could with a full sayle ; wee 

Lowfoot. accounted Lowfoot^ from us east northerly 16 leagues distant 
from us ; at foure a clockc this after-noone, wee stood all 
night as afore. 

The Jive and twentieth, the wind at east north-east ; we 
stood away north as we could lie : all this day was cleere 
weather and searching cold, which cold begunne the one 
and twentieth day, and then my carpenter was taken sicke, 
and so doth yet continue ; and three or foure more of our 
companie w^ere enclining to sicknesse, I suppose by meanes 
of the cold. All the night it was calme. The sixe and 
tiventieth, cold but cleare weather, the wind betweeue east 
and east north-east ; we stood north-easterly till twelve a 
clocke at night : then wee had the wind at north-east and 
north north-east, we stood south-east and east till noone the 
next day. The severi and tiventieth, cold and drie weather, 
at noone we had the wind north and north north-west; wee 
stood away north-east and east north-east as we could, and 
accounted our selves in 69 degrees, 40 minutes, and the 
needle inclined, having a smooth sea, nearest 84 degrees. 
All night we had wind and weather as afore. 

The eight and tiventieth, drie cold cleere weather ; the 
wind betweene north north-west and north ; we made our 

Sun tmIc- way 2ood east north-cast ; wee saw the sunne on the north 

grees ^^ . . 

minutes at meridian above the horizon 5 desrrees, 35 minutes. All this 
night we had much wind as afore. The nijie and tiventieth, 
a hard gale at north north-west : by account we ranne from 
mid-night to noone 21 leagues east north-cast. AVee had 
the sunne on the meridian 5 degrees, the latitude 73 dc- 
^ The Luffoden Islands, west of Norway. 

SECOND VOYAGE (1608). 25 

grees, 13 minutes, whereby wee found our ship to have 
out-runne us. At mid-night the wind came to south-east : 
we cast about, and stood cast north-east. This day partly 
cleere weather Avith some snow. The thirtictJt, cold cleerc 
weather, the -wind betwecne north-east and east and by 
north ; -sve went cast south-cast, and observing, were in 
73 degrees, 50 minutes. The one and thirtieth, cold and 
cleere weather : from the last day to this day noone, Ave 
stood south-cast and by south, in the latitude of 72 degrees, 
45 minutes. 

The Jirst of June, a hard gale at east north-east, with Juno. 
snow : we made our Avay good south south-east. The second, 
a hard gale of wind at north-east : towards night, calme 
with fogge, our course Avas south-cast all day. The third, 
in the morning we had a sight of the North Cape ;' and at a North capp. 
west and by north sunne, the Cape bore oiF us south-Avest, 
halfe a point southerly, being from us 8 leagues : and ob- 
servinar the variation, I found it to the westward 11 desfrees : variations 

, , ° west, 11 

and havinsr a smooth sea, the needle enclined under the ^fs'ff^ . 

•-> ' Needle s in- 

horizon 84 degrees and a halfe, the neerest I could finde. gi'degre^'s 
We had the wind at south-west, and Avee stood away north- '^" 
east and by east. It Avas cleere weather, and we saAv Nor- 
way fisher-men at sea. 

The fourth, ^ya.l'm.e cleere sun-shine, Ave stood aAvay north- 
east and by east. Noav, by God's helpc, our carpenter 
recovered, and made a mast for our ship-boat, and the com- 
panie made a sayle ; Ave had the sunne in the sight on the 
north meridian, his height Avas 5 degrees, 40 minutes. In- 
clination, 23 degrees, 21 minutes : pole's height, 72 degrees, 
21 minutes. The fft, in the morning, calme weather : wee 
sounded, and had 1 40 fathoms, sand oze : here wee saAV a 
swelling sea setting north-east and by east, and south-Avest 
and by west, with streame-leches : and Ave saw drift Avood. 
After we had Avind ; and Ave sayled and made our Avay north 
^ The most northern point of Norway. 


north-east : towards night we sounded, and found ground at 
150 fathoms, sand oze. This day cleere weather, and not 
cold. The sixt, wee had cleere weather, the wind being at 
east north-east, from the last day till this day noone ; we 
shaped our way on divers courses north and by west, in the 
latitude of 73 degrees, 24 minutes. We found that our ship 
had out-runne us, sounding in 160 fathoms : in the after- 
noone little wind. 

The seventh, in the morning, the wind at south, after at 
south south-east : from the last day till this day noone, wee 
accounted our way from divers courses north-east, 15 leagues. 
This day was close but cleere weather, and we had a good 
gale of Avind at this time. And three dayes before this, our 
cooke and one more of our companie were very sicke. In 
the morning we had ground at 150 fathoms, and at night we 
had no ground at 180 fathoms, which encreased hope. This 
night we had some snow, which continued foure lioures : 
then the wind came at north-east and by east with storme ; 
and with short sayle we stood north and by west : here the 
needle cnclined 86 degrees. I accounted that we were in 
74 degrees, 74 dcgrccs and a halfe at neerest hand. This night we saw 

3U miuutcf. O .... 

the sunne on the north meridian, his height was 7 degrees, 
40 minutes, which maketh the pole's height 74 degrees, 23 
minutes. The eight, from twelve a clocke last night till 
noone, we accounted our way on divers courses, north and 
by east : then our latitude was 74 degrees, 38 minutes, and 
we had no ground at 200 fathoms. In the after-noone the 
wind came at south south-east, and south-east and by east. 
This day and night Avee had cleere weather, and we were 
Dark blue bcrc comc iuto a blacke blue sea. 

The ninth, cleere weather, the wind came at south-east 
and by east : from the last day till this day noone, Avee had 
a good Avay north-east, in latitude of 75 degrees, 29 minutes : 
then Ave entred into ice, being the first we saAV in this voy- 
age : our hope Avas to go through it ; avc stood into it, and 


SECOND VOYAGE (1608). 27 

held our course betweene north-east and east north-east, 
loosing for one, and bearing roome for another, till foure in 
the afternoone : at which time we were so farre in, and the 
ice so thicke and firme ahead, being in it foure or five 
leagues, that wee had endangered us somewhat too farre ; 
wee returned as wee went in, and with a few rubbes of our 
ship against the ice ; by eight a clocke this eevening wee 
got free of it. AVee made our way till next day at noone, 
south-west and by south, 18 leagues : in the middest of this 
W'ay wee had no ground at 180 fathoms. The tenth, in the 
morning, hasey Aveather ; but at noone it cleered up, and 
then we cast about, and stood away north and by east, the 
wind being at east south-east, two watches, five leagues : 
then we had the wind at east ; we cast about, and stood 
south south-east, and made a south way, sixe leagues. The 
eleventh, in the morning, a hard storme at east and east and 
by south, we strooke a hull. 

The tivelfth, in the morning, fog, and all day after cleere 
weather, the wind at south south-west ; we steered east and 
by north : at noone being in the latitude 75 degrees, 30 
minutes. From noone till foure a clocke, five leagues east 
and by north ; then we saw ice ahead of us and under our 
lee, trending from the north-west to the north and east of 
us : we had sounding 100 fathom, greenish oze. Here we 
saw divers pieces of drift wood' by us driving, and streame 
leeches lying south south-west and north north-east. We 
many times saw the like since we saw the North Cape. 
The thirteenth, cleere weather, the wind at east, we made a 
south way 6 leagues, two watches ; then we cast about, and 
made a north way one watch, 3 leagues h '. at twelve at 
night, much wind with fog, we strooke a hull and laid our 
ship's head to the southward. The fourteenth, in the fore- 

^ This wood is carried along from the North American coasts by the 
gulf streams. Considerable quantities of it are thrown on the shores of 


noonc, fog, and our shroucles were frozen : the aftcr-noone 
was cleerc sun-shine, and so was all the night. 

The fifteeiith, all day and night cleere sunshine ; the wind 
at east ; the latitude at noone 75 degrees, 7 minutes. We 
held westward by our account 13 leagues. In the after- 
noone the sea was asswaged ; and the wind being at east we 
set sayle, and stood south and by east, and south south-east 
as we could. This morning, one of our companie looking 
over boord saw a mermaid, and calling up some of the com- 
panie to see her, one more came up, and by that time shee 
was come close to the ship's side, looking earnestly on the 
men : a little after, a sea came and overturned her : from the 
navill upward, her backe and breasts were like a woman's, 
as they say that saw her ; her body as big as one of us ; her 
skin very white ; and long haire hanging downe behinde, 
of colour blacke : in her going doAvne they saw her tayle, 
which was like the tayle of a porposse, and speckled like a 
macrell.' Their names that saw her, were Thomas Hilles 
and llobcrt Rayner. 

The sixteenth, cleere weather, the wind being at east. 
From the last day till this day noone we made our way 
south and by east 9 leagues, and from noon to eight a clocke 
in the eevening 6 leagues : then we cast about and stood to 
the northwards. 

The seventeenth, cleere weather, the wind at south-east 
and by east ; from the last day till this day noone, our way 
was north-east and by east, at noone being in the latitude of 
74 degrees, 40 minutes. At after-noonc we sounded, and 
had ground at 86 fathom, green oze, and our water Avhitish 
greene. Here we saw whales, porpoises, and the sea full of 
fowles : from noonc to mid-night, north-east and by cast ; 
Ave had the sunne at lowest, on the north and by east, east- 

^ Probably a seal. Dr. Kane observes that there is something in the 
appearance and the nuncnicnts of this animal stronpjy akin to those of 
human beiims. 

SECOND VOYAGE (1608). 29 

erly part of the conipasse : latitude 74 degrees, 54 minutes. 
Sounding we had 92 fathoms water, ozc as before. 

The eighteenth, faire weather, the wind at south-east and 
by east ; from mid-night till this day noone wee sayled north- 
east and by east, in the latitude of 75 degrees 24 minutes, 
and had ground at ninetie-five fathome ; oze as afore. Here 
we had ice in our sight to the northward off us. In the 
after-noone, having little wind at north-east, we cast about 
and lay east south-east, and at sixe a clocke had ground at 
ninetie-five fathoms and a halfe ; o^e as afore. From noone 
to twelve a clocke at night our way was south-east, and 
south-east and by east, and had the sunne on the meridian 
north and by east halfe a point eastward. The sunnes height 
was 8 degrees 40 minutes. Sounding, ninetie fathom. All 
this day we had ice on our huboord trending : and at this 
time, from the north-west off us to the east south-east, I have 
some reason to thinke there is a tide or current setting to cuneut. 
the northwards ; the course wee held and the way we made 
betweene this noone and mid-night observations, doe make 
mee suspect it the more. 

The nineteenth, faire and Avarme weather, the sea smooth. Needles in- 
Here the needle inclined under the horizon 89 degrees and and a^haife, 
a halfe, being in the latitude at noone of 75 degrees, 22grees,22 
minutes ; sounding wee had ground in an hundred fathom. 
From twelve a clocke last night till this day at noone, Ave 
accounted our way from east and by north to south-east ten 
leagues, having ice alwayes in our sight trending on our 
larboord ; wee had the winde betweene north and north 
north-west. We saw the sunne at the lowest on the north 
and by east, halfe a point easterly ; his height was 8 degrees, 
10 minutes, which maketh the Pole's height 74 degrees, 56 
minutes ; sounding, we had ground in one hundred and 
twentie-sixe fathom. From noone to this time, wee accounted 
our way east and by south and east south-east, twelve leagues. 

The tioentieih, faire vvarme weather ; this morning, at 


foure of the clocke, wee had depth one hundred and twen- 
iwing. tie-five fathom. Heere we heard beares roar on the ice ; 
store of and wee saw upon the ice and neare unto it an incredible 
number of scales. We had sounding one hundred and fif- 
teen fathom, and after ground at ninetie-five fathom, sandie 
oze. We had the sun on the meridian north and by east, 
halfe a point easterly ; his height was 7 degrees, 20 minutes. 
From twelve a clocke last night to twelve a clocke this night, 
our way was made good by our account, south-east and by 
south twelve leagues, and south-east three leagues and a 
halfe, the ice alwayes being on our larboord. The wind 
this day betweene north and north-west. 

The one a?ul tive7itieth, at foure a clocke in the morning, 

wee sounded and had one hundred and twentie fathome, 

green oze, and the ice bore off us east, the wind variable ; in 

divers courses wee made our way good south south-east ; 

sunneat Qur latitude at noone beinsf 7-1 decrees, 9 minutes, we were 

''rMs'^4o'^ haled to the northward beyond expectation. All this day 

""degrees" fairc, clecrc, and warme weather, and ice on our larboord 

30 minutes. i i i ^ • ^ t ^ • 

at a north and by east sunne ; being tlien at lowest, nis 
height was 7 degrees, 40 minutes, which made the Pole's 
height 74 degrees, 33 minutes. From the last day at noone 
till twelve a clocke this night, by account of our ship's way, 
wee made our way good east north-cast, sixe leagues and a 
halfe ; whereby it doth appeare how Ave Avere haled to the 
northward. Heere wee had ground at one hundred and 
thirteene fathome, green sandie oze. 
juet's notes "Yh-Q tioo and twentieth, fairc cleare weather, the winde at 

tell (it a HUd- ' ' 

uoi'i of'the west north-west. At eight aclocke in the morning, we had 
fi'mil'ihr' ground at one hundred and fifteene fathome, green oze. 

iioilli to the ,, . . , 

cast one Froui mid-nisfht to noone our course was north-east and by 

Voiiit, which " _ _ •' 

twoime'.' cast, bciug ill the latitude of 74 degrees, ob minutes, and we 
Wore! found that our ship's way and our observation were not 
'} but there was carcfuU heed taken of both. Heere 
' Gap in the orij^iual. 

SECOND VOYAGE (1608). 31 

we had ice a head off us, trending to the south-east, and all 
day before ice on our larboord. Here we stood south-east 
five leagues, then the ice trended south and by west sixe 
leagues; we sayled by it, and doubled it by eight aclocke 
in the eevening, and then it bore east off us. Heere, having 
a smooth sea, the needle inclined 85 degrees from eight a 
clocke to twelve, north and by east easterly. Then we had 
the sunne on the meridian, north and by east half a poynt 
easterly. The sunnes height was 7 degrees, 45 minutes, 
which made the latitude 74 degrees, 43 minutes. 

The three and twentieth, in the morning, thicke fogge, 
the wind at north north-west. From mid-night till foure a 
clocke this morning, we sayled north-east five leagues, and 
then we were among the ice ; we cast about, and stood two 
houres south-west, two leagues, and had no ground at one 
hundred and eightie fathom. Then we cast about againe, 
and stood east till eight a clocke, two leagues ; and then it 
cleered up, and we had ice a head ofi' us. And from north 
wee stood to south-east, and our shroudes were frozen. Then 
till noone wee went east and by south, foure leagues, and 
were neere ice on our larboord, in the latitude of 74 degrees, 
30 minutes. In the after-noone, the wind being at north, 
wee stood two houres and a halfe, five leagues and a halfc ; 
three houres south south-east, five leagues ; one houre south- 
east and by south, one league and a halfe ; an houre east, 
halfe a league, which brought eight in the eevening, alwayes 
ice on our larboord. This after-noone wee had some snow. 
From eight a clocke to mid-night south south-west, foure 
leagues, with ice as afore. We saw the sunne at the lowest 
north north-east, his height was 7 degrees, 15 minutes ; the 
pole's height 74 degrees, 18 minutes. 

The foure and twentieth, cleere but cold, and some snow, 
the wind betweene north north-east and north-east ; from 
mid-night to foure a clocke wee stood southward, two leagues, 
and south-east and by east two leagues. And from foure 


a clocke till noonc south-east southerly, nine leagues ; sound- 
ing, we had ground in one hundred and fortie fathome. 
From noone to three a clocke, we stood south-east and by 
south, three leagues ; from three to foure, south-west and by 
south, one league, and had ice from the north-east to the 
south-east off us. From foure a clocke to eight we stood 
south-west, two leagues and a halfe, soutliAvard halfe a 
league, with ice neere us under our lead. 

The fite and tioentieth, cold and cleare, the wind at east 
south-east ; from eight a clocke last night till foure this 
morning our way was south and by east, foure leagues and 
a halfe ; sounding, we had ground in eightie fathome ; then 
we had little wind till noone at east north-east, and the 
sunne on the meridian on the south-west and by south point 
of the compasse ere it began to fall ; wee were in the lati- 
tude of 72 degrees, 52 minutes ; and had ice on our lar- 
boord, and our hope of passage was gone this way, by meanes 
of our nearnesse to Nova Zembla and the abundance of ice. 
We had from noone to eight a clocke in the ecvcning the 
wind between north north-east and north-east ; we stood 
south-east, three leagues and a halfe, and had ice on our 
larboord and shoalding sixtie-eight fathome. 

The sixe and hventieth, faire sunshining weather, and little 
wind at east north-east. From twelve aclocke at night till 
foure this morning we stood southward, two leagues ; sound- 
ing wee had sixtie-sixe fathome, oaze, as afore. From foure 
a clocke to noone south-east and by south, foure leagues ; 
and had the sunne on the meridian, on the south-east and 
by south point of the compasse, in the latitude of 72 de- 
grees, 25 minutes ; and had sight of Nova Zembla foure or 
No passaf^'e five Icasfues from us, and the place called by the Hollanders 

that way. ° _ _ _ ^ •' 

Swart ciiiiu. Swart ClifFe,' bearing off south-east. In the aftcrnoone wee 

' According to Dr. Bekc's opinion {l)c Veer, Introduction, p. vi) iden- 
tical with the Yu~Jinuy Gnsiniiij Muis, or South Goose Cape of Liitke. 
This cape is, however, under 71^ '20', on De Veer's own ma]> the 

SECOND VOYAGE (1608). o3 

had a fine gale at east north-east, and by eight of the clockc 
we had brought it to beare ofF us east southerly, and saylcd 
by the shoare a league from it. 

The seven and twentieth, all the forenoone it was almost 
calme; wee being two mile from the shoare, I sent my mate, 
Kobert Juet, and John Cooke, my boatswaine, on shoare, '^'J®y k"« 

' 'J ' ' ashore. 

with foure others, to see what the land would yeeld that 
might bee profitable, and to fill two or three caskes Avith 
water. They found and brought aboard some whales finnes, 
two deeres homes, and the dung of deere, and they told me 
that they saw grasse on the shoare of the last yeere, and 
young grasse came vip amongst it a shaftman long ; and it 
was boggie ground in some places ; there are many streames 
of snow water nigh ; it was very hot on the shoare, and the 
snow melted apace ; they saw the footings of many great 
beares, of deere, and foxes. They went from us at three 
a clocke in the morning, and came aboord at a south-east 
sunne ; and at their comminar wee saw two or three com- 
panics of morses in the sea neere us swimming, being almost 
calme. I presently sent my mate, Ladlow the carpenter, 
and sixe others a shoare, to a place where I thought the 
morses might come on the shoare ; they found the place 
likely, but found no signe of any that had beene there. 
There was a crossed standing on the shoare, much driftwood, 
and signes of fires that had beene made there. They saw 

Swarte Klip seems about a degree farther north ; 72° 15' to 72° 20', as 
far as appears by the ancient mariner's vague indications. This latitude 
would seem more in accordance with Hudson's observation. 

^ Such crosses were found both on Nova Zembla and on the opposite 
Russian shore by Barentz and his companions. They seem to have been 
very conspicuous, for an island and a cape were called by the Dutch 
Cross Island and Cross Point, only because one or two such crosses were 
found on them. It is a well-known fact, that the cross is not only an 
object of veneration among Christians, but that it is also worshipped 
by some heathens, quite independently of all Christian influence. Whe- 
ther the signification of these crosses may be thus explained we are, 
however, unable to say. 


the footing of very great deere and beares, and much fowle/ 
and a foxe ; they brought aboord whale finnesj some mosse, 
flowers and green e things that did there grow. They 
brought also two peeces of a crosse, which they found there. 
The sunne was on the meridian on the north north-east^ 
halfe a point easterly, before it began to fall. The sunnes 
height was 4 degrees, 45 minutes ; inclination, 22 degrees, 
33 minutes, which makes the latitude 72 degrees, 12 minutes. 
Tliere is disagreement betweene this and the last observa- 
tion ; but by meanes of the cleerenesse of the sunne, the 
smoothnesse of the sea, and the neernesse to laiid, wee could 
not bee deceived, and care was taken in it. 

The eight and tioentieth, at foure a clocke in the morning, 
our boat came aboord, and brought two dozen of fowle and 
some egges, whereof a kw^ were good, and a whale's finne ; 
and wee all saw the sea full of morses, yet no signes of their 
being on shoare. And in this calme, from eight a clocke 
last evening till foure this morning, we were drawne backe 
to the northward, as farre as wee were the last evening at 
foure a clocke, by a streame or a tide ;~ and we chose rather 
so to drive, then to adventure the losse of an anchor and the 
spoyle of a cable. Heere our new ship-boate began to doe 
us service, and w^as an incouragement to my companie, 
which want I found the last yeere. 

The nine and twentieth, in the morning calme, being halfe 
a league from the shoare, the sea being smooth the needle 
did encline 84 degrees ; we had many morses in the sea 
neere us, and desiring to find where they came on shoare, 
wee put to with saylc and oares, towing in our boat, and 
rowing in our barke to get about a point of land, from 
whence the land did fall more easterly, and the morses did 
goe that way. Wee had the sunne on the meridian on the 

^ This part of Nova Zembla still abounds with fowl, and has, there- 
fore, been called Goose Coast by Liitke. 
^ The iriilf stream. 

SECOND VOYAGE (1608). 35 

south and by west point, lialfe a point to the wester part of 
the compasse, in the Lititude of 71 degrees, 15 minutes. At 
two a clocke this after-noone we came to anchor in the 
mouth of a river, where licth an ihand in the mouth thereof, T^^ivcr tmci 
foure leagues : wee anchored from the iland in two and 
thirtie fathomes, bhacke sandy ground. There drove much 
ice out of it with a streame that set out of the river or sound, 
and there were many morses sleeping on the ice, and by it 
we were put from our road twice this night ; and being 
calme all this day, it pleased God, at our need to give us a 
fine gale, which freed us out of danger. This day was 
calme, cleere and hot weather : all the night we rode stilL 

The thirtieth, calme, hot, and faire weather ; we weighed 
in the morning, and towed and rowed, and at noone we 
came to anchor neere tiie ile aforesaid in the mouth of the 
river, and saw very much ice driving in the sea, two leagues 
without us, lying south-east and north-west ; and driving to 
the north-west so fast, that wee could not by twelve a clocke 
at night see it out of the top. At the iland where wee rode 
lieth a little rocke, whereon were fortie or fiftie morses 
lying asleepe, being all that it couhl hohl, it being so full 
and little. I sent my companie ashoare to them, leaving 
none aboord but my boy with mee : and by meanes of their 
neerenesse to the water, they all got away, save one which 
they killed, and brought his head aboord ; and ere they 
came aboord they went on the iland, which is reasonable 
high and steepe, but flat on the top. They killed and 
brought with them a great fowle, whereof there were many, 
and likewise some egges, and in an houre they came aboord. 
This ile is two flight-shot over in length, and one in breadth. 
At mid-night our anchor came home, and wee tayld aground 
by meanes of the strength of the streame ; but by the 
helpe of God, wee hoved her off" without hurt. In short 
time wee moved our ship, and rode still all night ; and in 
the night wee had little wind at east, and east south-east. 


Wee had at noone this day an observation, and were in the 
hititude of 71 degrees, 15 minutes. 

.luiy. The^rs^ of July, we saw more ice to the seaward of us; 

from the south-east to the north-west, driving to the north- 
west. At noone it was cahne, and we had the sunne on the 
meridian, on the south and by west point, halfe a point to 
the westerly part of the compasse, in the latitude of 71 de- 
grees, 24 minutes. This morning I sent my mate Everet, 
and foure of our companie to rowe about the bay, to see 
what rivers were in the same, and to find where the morses 
did come on land ; and to see a sound or great river in the 
bottome of the bay, which did alwaies send out a great 
streamc to the northwards, against the tide that came from 
thence : and I found the same in comming in, from the 
north to this place, before this. When by the meanes of the 
great plenty of ice, the hope of passage betweene Newland 

His purpose ^^^^ Nova Zcuibla was taken away ; my purpose was by the 
Vaygats to passe by the mouth of the river Ob, and to dou- 
ble that way the North Cape of Tartaria,^ or to give reason 
wherefore it will not be : but being here, and hoping by the 
plentie of morses wee saw here, to defray the charge of our 
voyage ; and also that this sound might for some reasons 
bee a better passage to the east of Nova Zembla then the 
Vaygats, if it held according to my hope conceived by the 
likenesse it gave : for whereas we had a floud came from 
the northwards, yet this sound or river did runne so strong, 

stream. that icc witli the streame of this river was carried away, or 

^ Hudson seemed to think that when he had once passed the North 
Cape of Tartary (Cape Tabin ?), the rest of his undertaking, to reach 
China by a north-eastern route, would be quite easy, and hardly worth 
mentioning. This was also Sebastian Cabot's idea, and that of all his dis- 
ciples down to our navigator. Ortelius's maps, the best expressions of the 
geographical dogma of the age, imply a similar belief. The northern 
coast of Asia, which is there drawn almost from fancy, is everywhere 
much too far south. The voyage from the Promontorium Sa/thicuin to 
Cathay, or Northern China, appears on these maps as quite an easy 

SECOND VOYAGE (1608). 37 

any thing else against the floud ; so that both in floud and 
ebbe, the streamc doth hold a strong course : and it flowcth 
from the north three houres, and ebbeth nine. 

The second, the wind being at east south-east, it was rea- 
sonable cold, and so was Friday ; and the morses did not play 
in our sight as in warme weather. This morning, at three 
of the clocke, my mate and companie came aboord, and 
brought a great deeres home, a white locke of deeres haire, 
four dozen of fowle, their boat halfe laden with drift wood, 
and some flowers and greene things, that they found grow- 
ina^ on the shoare. They saw a herd of white deere,^ often Herdeof 

" "^ white deere. 

in a companie on the land, much drift wood lying on the 
shoare, many good bayes, and one river faire to see to 
on the north shoare, for the morses to land on ; but they 
saw no morses there, but signes that they had beene in the 
bayes. And the great river or sound, they certified me, 
was of breadth two or three leagues, and had no ground at 
twentie fathoms, and that the water was of the colour of the 
sea, and very salt, and that the streame setteth strongly out 
of it. At sixe a clocke this morning, came much ice from 
the southward driving upon us, very fearfull to looke on ; 
but by the mercy of God and His mightie helpe, wee being 
moored with two anchors ahead with vering out of one 
cable and heaving home the other, and fending off with 
beames and sparres, escaped the danger ; which labour con- 
tinued till sixe a clocke in the eevening, and then it was 
past us, and we rode still and tooke our rest this night. 

The third, the wind at north a hard gale. At three a 
clocke this morning wee weighed our anchor, and set sayle, 
jiurposing to runne into the river or sound before spoken of. 

The fourth, in the morning, it cleered up, with the wind 

at north-west ; we weighed and set sayle, and stood to the 

eastwards, and past over a reefe, and found on it five and a 

halfe, sixe, sixe and a halfe, and seven fathoms water : then 

^ Sec p. 38, note 1. 


we saw that the sound was full, and a very large river from 
the north-eastward free from ice, and a strong streame com- 
niing out of it : and wee had sounding then, foure and thirty 
fathoms water. Wee all conceived hope of this northerly 
river or sound, and sayling in it, wee found three and twen- 
tie fathomes for three leagues, and after twentie fathomes 
for five or sixc leagues, all tough ozie ground. Then the 
winde vered more northerly, and the streame came down 
so strong, that wee could do no good on it : we came to 
anchor, and went to supper, and then presently I sent my 
mate Juet, with five more of our companie in our boat, with 
sayle and oarcs to get up the river, being provided with 
victuall and weapons for defence, walling them to sound as 
they went ; and if it did continue still deepe, to goe untill 
it did trende to the eastward, or to the southwards, and wee 
rode still. 

The jift, in the morning, we had the wind at west : we 
began to weigh anchor, purposing to set sayle and to runne 
up the sound after our companie : then the wind vered 
northerly upon us, and we saved our labour. At noone 
our companie came aboord us, having had a hard rought ; 
for they had beene up the river sixe or seven leagues, and. 
sounded it from twentie to three and twentie, and after 
brought it to eight, sixc, and one fathome ; and then to 
foure foot in the best : they then went ashoare, and found 
good store of wilde goose quills, a piece of an old oare, and 
some flowers and greene things which they found growing : 
they saw many deere, and so did we in our after-dayes 
sayling.^ They being come aboord, we presently set sayle 
with the wind at north north-west, and wc stood out againe 
to the south-westwards, with sorrow that our labour was in 

^ The existence of grass and of lierbivorous animals in Nova Zembla, 
which is flatly denied by De Veer, is clearly proved by Hudson. Lutke's 
observations corroborate those of o\ir navigator : sec Dr. Belce's Dc Veer, 
pp. 5, 83. 

SECOND VOYAGE (1008). 39 

vaine : for, had this sound held as it did make shew of, 
for breadth, depth, safenesse of harbour, and good anchor 
ground, it might have yeelded an excellent passage to a 
more easterly sea. Generally, all the land of Nova Zembla Novazem- 

'' '' bill pleasftiit 

that yet we have secne, is to a man's eye a pleasant land ; totheeye. 
much mayne high land with no snow on it, looking in some 
places greene, and deere feeding thereon : and the hills are 
partly covered with snow, and partly bare. It is no marvel 
that there is so much ice in the sea toward the pole, so many cause of 

much ioe in 

sounds and rivers beino' in the lands of Nova Zembla and '^'1°^^ ^*'''t 

c winch make 

Newland to ingcnder it ; besides the coasts of Pechora, Rus- passage^."'''® 
sia, and Groenland, with Lappia, as by proofes I finde by 
my travell in these parts : by meanes of which ice I suppose 
there will be no navigable passage this way. This eeven- 
ing wee had the wind at west and by south : we therefore 
came to anchor under Deere Point ; and it was a storme at 
sea ; wee rode in twentie fathomes ozie ground : I sent my 
mate, Ladlow, with foure more ashoare to see whether any 
morses were on the shoare, and to kill some fowle; for we 
had seen no morses since Saturday, the second day of this 
moneth, that wee saw them driving out of the ice. They 
found good landing for them, but no signe that they had 
beene there ; but they found that fire had beene made 
there, yet not lately. At ten of the clocke in the eeven- 
ing, they came aboord, and brought with them neere an 
hundred fowles called wellocks : this night it was wet, 
fogge, and very thicke and cold, the winde at west south- 

The sixt, in the morning, wee had the wind stormie and 
shifting ; betweene the west and south-west, against us for 
doing any good : we rode still and had much ice driving by 
us to the eastward of us. At nine of the clocke this ceven- 
ing wee had the wind at north north-west : we presently 
weighed, and set sayle, and stood to the westward, being 
out of hope to find passage by the north-east : and my pur- 



wiiiouffh- pose was now to see whether Willoughbies Land' were, as it 

bies land 

a conceit is lavd in our cardes : which if it were, wee micrht finde 

of card- •' ' ' o 

^!lT,!^Ji morses on it, for with the ice they were all driven from 
thanVew-*'^ hcnce. This place ujjon Nova Zembla, is another then that 
Greenland which the Hollanders call Costing Sarch, discovered by 

(as is before _ ••-!-> 

observed, OHvcr Browncll : and William Barentson's observation doth 

cap. 2) as 

sarch"of witnesse the same.- It is layd in plot by the Hollanders out 
S'^otirir's'^ of his true place too farre north : to what end I know not. 

Nova Zem- , t • i i i • i i 

unlesse to make it hold course with the compasse, not re- 
specting the variation. It is as broad and like to yeeld 
passage as the Vaygats, and my hope was, that by the strong 
streame it would have cleered it selfe ; but it did not. It is 
so full of ice that you will hardly thinke it. All this day, 
for the most part it was fogge and cold. 

The secenth, cleere but cold weather : in the morning the 
wind was at the north ; from the last eevening to this morn- 
ing, we set saile and kept our course west and by south, 
fifteene leagues : from morning to eight a clocke in the 
eevening it was calnie : then we had the wind againe at 

^ The fact we here learn is im}5ortant. Willoughby's land ■was, on the 
charts used by Hudson, laid down as part of Nova Zembla ; rather south 
than north of 1'2P. When we consider how careful Hudson was in col- 
lecting information, and further, that he was sent out by the only per- 
sons in England who had an interest in north-eastern discovery (the 
Muscovy Company), it becomes almost a certainty that Willoughby's 
land was, in 1608, bi/ the English not thought identical with Spitzbcrgen 
(the Greenland of Barentz and Hudson). If commercial jealousy of 
the Dutch, the real discoverers of Spitzbcrgen, had not a short time 
after Hudson's voyage raised the almost absurd belief in that identity, 
the scholars of our time would have been spared much labour. Purchas 
himself is the most earnest, we might, perhaps, say the most insolent, 
defender of the erroneous idea, which has been ably disproved by ]\Ir. 
Rundall, in his work on northern voyages. Introduction, p. ix, where all 
the arguments bearing on both sides of the question may be found. 

^ The mere amateur reader will hardly care about the intrinsic geo- 
graphical questions involved in this sentence. The geographical scholar 
will find them most amply and satisfactorily discussed, with special refer- 
ence to the present passage, by Dr. Beke in his Introduction to Dc Veer, 
pp. xxxii to I. 

SECOND VOYAGE (1608). 41 

north, and we sayled till nine a clockc next morning west 
south-west, eight leagues ; then the wind being west and by 
south, wee went north and by west, three leagues, and wee 
had the sunne at the highest south south-west, in the lati- 
tude of 71 degrees, 2 minutes. The eight, faire weather ; 
at noone we had the wind at east north-east, we stood north 
three leagues till foure a clocke : then the wind being at 
west and by north, wee stemmed north and by west one 
league and a lialfe, till six a clocke in the eevening ; then 
the wind was at north-east a hard gale, and wee stood till 
next day at noone west and by north, by account three and 
twentie leagues : we had the sunne on the meridian, south 
and by west, halfe a point neerest west, in the latitude of 
70 degrees, 41 minutes. The ninth, cleere weather : from 
this to the next day at noone, we sayled south-west and by 
west twelve leagues, and northward three leagues ; and in 
these courses had these soundings, 41, 42, 46, 48, and 45 
fathoms : we had the sunne south and by west, halfe a point 
to the west part of the compasse. The sea was loftie : our 
latitude was 70 degrees, 20 minutes. 

The tenth, cleere but close weather : from this till next 
day noone wee had little wind at west north-west : by ac- 
count we made our way five leagues north-easterly. Wee 
had the sun at the highest on the south and by west point, 
and a terce westward, in the latitude of 70 degrees, 55 
minutes, and I thinke we had a rustling tide under us ; and 
in this time had sounding betweene fortie-five and fortic 
fathomes, white sand. The eletenth, cleere weather : from 
this to the next day at noone, little wind at north north-east 
and sometimes calme ; wee sayled west and by north by 
account five leagues ; and had the sunne on the meridian on 
the south and by west point one-third west in the latitude of 
70 degrees, 26 minutes, and found a rustling under us. 
This fore-noone we were come into a greene sea, of the Greene sea. 
colour of the mayne ocean, which we first lost the eight of 


June : since which time wee have had a sea of a blacke blue 
colour, which (both by the last and this yeeres experience) 
is a sea pestered with ice. 

The twelfth, faire weather : from noone to midnight wee 
had the wind shifting betweene the north and west ; our 
course was betweene west north-west and south south-west. 
Then we had the wind at south ; we sayled till the next day 
at noone, west and by north, thirteene leagues ; wee ac- 
counted our way from the last day till this day noone west- 
ward, eighteene leagues. This after-noone wee saw more 
porpoises then in all our voyage afore. The thirteenth, close 
weather : in the after-noone having much wind at south, 
with short sayle we stood away west and by north, till eight 
a clockc in the eevening : then we had the wind at south, 
but most times calme till noone the next day : wee stood 
away as afore, fourc leagues, which made in all twelve 
leagues : we had the sunne ere it began to fall, south and 
by west, in the latitude of 70 degrees, 22 minutes. 

The fourteenth, wee stood west north-Avest till midnight, 
seventecne leagues : then the wind scanted and came at 
west, we stood north north-west, one league and a halfe ; 
then the wind being more southerly, wee sayled west north- 
west five leagues. From the last till this day at noone, our 
way was out of divers courses north-west and by west, foure 
and twentie leagues. We had the sunne beginning to fall 
at south and by west, in the latitude of 70 degrees, 54 

'\l\\c fifteenth, fuire ; but towards night like to be stormie 
with thunder, the wind betweene south and south south- 
cast ; from this, till the sixteenth day at noone, our course 
• was west and by north, seven and twentie Icagiies, and the 
sunne then began to fall at south, three quarters of a point 
westward, in the latitude of 70 degrees, 42 minutes. The 
sixteenth, faire ; our way was from this till next day at noone 
north--svcst, twelve leagues, out of divers courses : and we 

SECOND VOYAGE (1608). 43 

had the wind shifting, sometimes at east, at west south-west, 
and west and by north ; the Latitude, by a bad observation, 
71 degrees, 44 minutes. The seventeenth, in the fore-noone, 
faire ; the wind being at west and by north. At fourc 
a clocke this morning wc saw land beare off us, west and 
south south-west, which was about Ward-house '} this after- 
noone wee had a stormc at west and by north, we layed it 
to trie till eight a clocke in the eevening, and then set sayle 
with the wind betweene west north-west and north-west : 
our course till the next day at noone was south-west and by 
south, twelve leagues : the Cape HopewelP bore off us south 
south-west, and we were foure or five leagues from land. 

The eighteenth, gusty, with raine all the fore-noone ; then 
we had the wind shifting till next day at noone from south 
south-east to east, and south-east : our course in generall 
was north-west, foure and twentie leagues : then did North 
Kene beare off us west halfe a point southward, being from 
us foure leagues ; and the North Cape in sight bearing west 
and by north, etc. 

The seve7i and twentieth, cold, with raine and storme ; this 
night we bcofan to burne candle in the betacle, which we ^" "'s'''' "> 

° ° ^ teu woekes. 

had not done since the nineteenth of May, by reason wee 
had alwaics day from thence till now. The thirtieth, we 
had the sunne upon the meridian due south, in the latitude 
of 68 degrees, 46 minutes ; whereby we found us to bee 
afore our ship, ten or twelve leagues, and Lowfoot^ bore east 
of us, but not in sight. 

The seventh of August, I used all diligence to arrive at 
London, and therefore now I gave my companic a certificate 
under my hand, of my free and willing return, without per- 
swasion or force of any one or more of them : for at my 
being at Nova Zembla, the sixt of July, voide of hoi^e of a 

^ Vardoehuus Island, 70" 35' N., 31° E, in the White Sea, close to 
the coast of Finmark. 

" North-west of Vardoehuus Island. ^ The LufFodeu Islands. 

44 :masteti iiemry tiudson. 

north-east passage (except by the Waygats, for which I was 
not fitted to trie or prove), I therefore resolved to use all 
nieanes I could to sayle to the north-west ; considering the 
time and meanes wee had, if the wind should friend us, as 
in the first part of our voyage it had done, and to make triall 
of that place called Lumleys Inlet,' and the furious over-fall 
by Captain Davis, hoping to runne into it an hundred 
leagues, and to returne as God should enable mee. But now 
having spent more then halfe the time I had, and gone 
but the shortest part of the way, by means of contrary 
winds, I thought it my duty to save victuall, wages, and 
tackle, by my speedy returne, and not by foolish rashnesse, 
the time being wasted, to lay more charge upon the action 
then necessitie should compell, I arrived at Gravesend the 
sixe and tioentieth of August. 

^ See Hakluyt, x, 3 (Purchas). The journal of Captain Davis, to 
which Purchas refers, is not clear enough to allow us to fix the situation 
of Lumley's inlet with any degree of certainty. The inlet was perhaps 
identical with Hudson's strait, or perhaps somewhat further north, where 
modern geographers place Frobisher's sti'ait. The maj^s of these regions 
are still too unsatisfixctory to afford a fair ground for any guesses about 
the real meaning of the still vaguer indications of the early navigators. 

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 45 








IVrittcn by Robert Juet, of Lime-house. 

On Saturday, the Jive and twentieth of March, 1609, after 
the old account, we set sayle from Amsterdam, and by the 
seven and tioentieth day, we were downe at the Texel : and 
by twelve of the clocke we were off the land, it being east 
of us two leagues off. And because it is a journey usually 
knowne, I omit to put downe what passed till we came to 
the height of the North Cape of Finmarke, which we did 
performc by the f ft of May {stilo novo), being Tuesday. May o, 

siilo novo. 

On which day we observed the height of the pole, and found 
it to bee 71 degrees, and 46 minutes ; and found our com- 
passe to vary six degrees to the west ; and at twelve of the 
clocke, the North Cape did beare south-west and by south 
tenne leagues off, and wee steered away east and by south 
and east. 

After much trouble, with fogges sometimes, and more 
dangerous of ice. The nineteenth, being Tuesday, was close 
stormie weather, with much wind and snow, and very cold : 
the wind variable betweene the north north-Avcst and north- 
east. We made our (vay west and by north till noonc. 


Then we observed the sunne having a slake,^ and found our 
heigth to bee 70 degrees, 30 minutes. And the ship had 
out-runne us twentie leagues, by reason of the set of the 

Wdrdhou"s'e*'' stroamc of the White Sea : and we had sight of Wardhouse.^ 
Then at two of the clocke wee tackt to the eastward : for we 
could not get about the North Cape, the wind was so scant ; 
and at eight of the clocke at night, on the one and tiventictJi, 

They don- tl^e North Cape did beare south-east and by south seven 

bled tlio ^ •' 

Norih Cape, igj^nrues ofF. And at mid-night Assumption Point^ did beare 

Assumption c ox 

^'"""'" south and by east, five leagues off us. 

The two and twentieth, gusting weather, with haile and 
snow, the sunne breaking out sometimes : Ave continued our 
course along the land west south-west. And at tenne of the 

zemim. clockc at night we were thwart off Zenam,^ The bodie of it 
did beare east off us five leagues : and the course from the 
North Cape to Zenam is for the most part west and by 
south, and west south-west, fiftie-foure leagues. 

The three and tiocntieth, faire sunshining weather ; the 
wind at east and by south, and east south-east ; wee steered 
along the land south-west, and south-west and by west, 
eight leagues a ■\vatch, for so we found the land to lye 
from Zenam to Lofoote.^ And the distance is fiftie leagues 
from the bodie of Zenam to the westermost land of Lofoote.^ 
And from the one to the other, the course is south-west and 

^ A spot 1 The word slake, as a substantive, seems to be a uorth country 
word, meaning, according to Brocket, " an accumulation of mud or slime, 
from dijck, cocnum, lutum."' If Hudson observed a spot on the sun the 
21st of March, 1609, he was undoubtedly the earliest discoverer of this 
most interesting phenomenon ; the observation of Thomas Ilariot, which 
is considered as the first on record, being more than a year and a half 
later (Dec. 8th, IGIO). Hudson had the disadvantage of observing with- 
out a telescope. " Vardoehuus Island. 

^ Evidently to the south-east of the North Cape, probably a cape on 
one of the neighbouring islands, Maasoo, Jehnsoe, or Igencie. 

'' Probably the island of Scnjen, lat. (ISP :2o', long. 17° E., lying west of 
Norway, close to the coast. 

•' The Lullbdeu Islands. « Vaerii Island, lat. (i7^^ -10', long. 11° ;3(i' E. 

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 47 

by west. For the needle of our compasse was set right to 
the north. At twelve of the clocke at night, the boclic of 
Lofoote did beare south-east, sixe leagues off. i.ofootc 

The foure and tioentieth, faire cleere sun-shining wea- 
ther : the wind variable upon all points of the compasse, but 
most upon the south-east, and sometimes calme. We con- 
tinued our course west south-west as before. And at eight 
of the clocke at night the souther part of Lofoote did bearc 
south-east ten leagues off us. tion!*^™' 

The Jicc and twentieth, much wind at north-east, with 
some snow and haile. The first watch the wind came to the 
east a fine gale, and so came to the north-east, the second 
watch, at foure of the clocke, and freshed in : and at eight 
of the clocke it grew to a storme, and so continued. At 
noone we observed, and made the ship to be in 67 degrees, 
58 minutes. Wee continued our course south-west twelve 
leagues a watch. At nine of the clocke, Lofoote did beare 
east of us 15 leagues off. And we found the compasse to 
have no variation. The wind increased to a storme. 

The sixe and tioentieth, was a great storme at the north 
north-east, and north-east. Wee steered away south-west 
afore the wind with our fore course abroad : for we were 
able to maintayue no more sayles, it blew so vehemently, 
and the sea went so high, and brake withall, that it Avould 
have dangered a small ship to lye under the sea. So we 
skudded seventy leagues in foure and twentie hourcs. The 
storme began to cease at foure of the clocke. 

The seven and twentieth, indifferent faire weather, but a 
good stiffe gale of wind at north, and north north-east ; wee 
held on our course as before. At noone wee observed and 
found our heigth to be 64 degrees, 10 minutes. And wee 
loerceived that the current had hindered us in fortie-eisfht ^^ «'"''"' <'"•"■ 

^ " rent selling 

houres to the number of 16 leagues to our best judgement. 
We set our mayne-sayle, sprit-saylc, and our mayne-top- 
sayle, and held on our course all night, having faire wea- 

to theiiorlh- 




The eight and twentieth, fairc Aveathcr and little wind at 
north-cast, we held on our course south-west. At noone 
wee observed the heigth, and were in 62 degrees, and 30 
minutes. The aftcr-noonc was little wind at north north- 
west. The second watch it fell calme. At foure of the 
Farrfiiics clockc wcc had sio'ht of the iles called Farre,^ and found 

set 11 o -' 

toeTest. them to lye out of their place in the sea chart fourteene 
leagues to farre westerly. For in running south-west from 
Lofoote, wee had a good care to our steerage and observa- 
tions ; and counted ourselves thirtie leagues off by our 
course and observation, and had sight of them sixteene or 
eighteene leagues off. 

The 7iine and tioentieth, faire weather, sometimes calme 
and sometimes a gale, with the wind varying at south-west, 
and so to the north-east. Wee got to the Hands, but could 
not get in. So we stood along the Hands. The ebbe being 
come, we durst not put in. 

Thirtieth, faire weather ; the wind at south-east, and east 
south-east. In the morning we turned into a road in Stromo, 

stromo. one of the Hands of Farre, betweene Stromo and Mugge- 
nes, and got in by nine of the clocke, for it flowed so there 
that day. And as soone as we came in we M'ent to romage, 
and sent our boat for water, and filled all our empty caskcs 
with fresh water. Wee made an end of our rpmaging this 
night bv ten of the clocke. 

The one and thirtieth, faire sunshining weather, the wind 
at east south-east. In the fore-noone our master with most 
of his company went on shoare to Avalkc, antl at one of the 
clocke they returned aboard. Then we set sayle. 

.lunc. The Jirst of June, stilo novo, fairc sun-shining weather, 

the wind at east south-east. Wc continued on our course 
south-west and by west. At noone wee observed the 
sunnc, and found our heigth to be sixty degrees, fifty- 

eight minutes 

and so continued on our course all night 

1 The Faroe Ishuuls, lat. iW 40' N.; long. G' 30° W. 

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 49 

with faire weather. This night we lighted candles in the 
bittacle^ againe. 

The second, mystic weather, the Avind at north-east. At 
noone we steered away west south-west to find Basse Iland,'^ ^'^^^^^^ 
discovered in the yeere 1578 by one of the ships of Sir 
Martin Frobisher, to see if it lay in her true latitude in the 
chart or no : wee continued our course as before all night, 
with a faire gale of wind : this night we had sight of the Their first 

o no sight of 

first stars, and our water was changed colour to a white fu^her""^ 

rpi 1. 1 • i* north they 

greene. i he compasse had no variation. hmicon- 

mi 1 • T r - ^ • • i i • ^ i tinuall suii- 

ihe third, laire sun-shinmg weather; the wind at north- light. 

Clirtuge of 

east. We steered on our course south-west and by west, ^•''^er. 
with a stifle gale of wind. At noone we observed and found 
our heigth to bee 58 degrees, 48 minutes. And I was before 
the ship 16 leagues, by reason of the current that held us so a strange 

^ CI ' J current out 

strong out of the south-west. For it is eight leagues in °*e''i,'i®''°""'' 
foure and twentie houres. We accounted our selves neere 
Busse Hand : by mid-night wee looked out for it, but could 
not see it.^ 

The fourth, in the morning, was much wind, with fogge 

and raine. Wee steered away soutii-west by west all the. " 

fore-noone, the wind so increasing that wee were enforced , ''>> 

to take in our top-sale : the winde continuing so all the after,-i , , , ; ' ' ; 

noone. Wee steered away south-west all the fore-part oi '' ,.'' 

the night; and at ten of the clocke at night it was littlo - >>.. 

wind, and that was south, and so came up to the south south- '■ .' ! . , , 

east. ■„•• .'• ,''.'' 

The _^i!, stormie weather, and much wind at south and;' .',,,', 

^ The bittacle is a close place in which the compasse standeth. ', ^ ,> 

^ It is impossible to indicate the real situation of Busse Island, whicJj' ' '' > 

was discovered by one of Frobisher's ships on its return to England. Th<3> . •' >' • , 
accounts of this voyage which have come down to us are even more,' ■' '•** 
unsatisfactory than most of the geographical materials of this period., ' \ 

Frobisher's discoveries have always been, and still are, a puzzle to geq-, • 
graphers. • . , . 

^ They would probably not have found it, even in daylight. ' ' ', 

7 "'•-'! 


south by cast, so that at t'ouro of the clocke in the morning 
we tooke in our forc-saylc, and Lay ^ try with our mayne 
corse, and tryed away west north-west foure leagues. But 
at noonc it was Icsse wind, and the sunne showed forth, and 
we observed and found our heigth to be 56 degrees, 2\ 

Note well, niinutcs. In the after-noone the wind vcred to and fro be- 
twcene the soutli-west and the south-east, with raine and 
fogge, and so continued all night. Wee found that our ship 
had gone to the westward of our course. The sixth, thicke 
hasie weather, with gusts of wind and showers of raine. The 
wind varied betweene east south-east and south-west, wee 
steered on many courses a west south-west way. The after- 
noone watch the Avind was at east south-east, a stiffe gale 
with myst and raine. Wee steered away south-west by west 
eight leagues. At noone the sunne shone forth, and we 
found the heigth to bee 56 degrees, 8 minutes. The seventh, 
faire sun-shining weather all the fore-noone, and calme 
imtill twelve of the clocke. In the after-noone the wind 
came to the north-west, a stiffe gale. Wee steered south- 
west by west, and made a south-west way. At noone we 
-found the height to bee 56 degrees, one minute, and it con- 
tinued all night a hard gale. The enjlit, stormy weather, 
-the wind variable betweene Avest and north-Avest, much Avind : 

ji.jipis fire and at eight of the clocke Avee tooke off our bonnets. At wluuu ° 

IT- iH.-ed <iioone the sunne shewed forth and Avee observed, and our 
to ei'u,u|Je'^^ height Avas 5J: degrees, oO minutes. The ;^//^/A, faire sun- 
rete'rcure 'shining wcather, and little wind all the fore part of the daye 
,t'io '. ayiie -untill clcvcn of the clocke. Then the Avind came to the 


iLioLtn south south-east, and we steered away Avest south-Avest. At 

course, toie _ ' •' 

uTiTrstooi T^oonc we found our height to bee 53 degrees and 45 minutes, 
^uj'eswitii- iind we had made our way south by west ten leagues. In 
bo.ijis. the after-noone the a\ ind increased, and continued all night 

at east north-east and east. 
' UMie tenth, faire Aveather, the wind variable betwerne east 

north-east and south-east ; Avee sleired on our course as 

THIRD VOYAGE (l()()y). 51 

before. At foiire of the clock in the afternoone the wind 
came up at south-east. And we held on our course as be- 
fore. At noone M'ce observed and found our hei"ht to be 
52 degrees, 35 minutes. 

The eleventh, in the morning, was thicke and foggie, the 
winde varying betweene south south-west and north west. 
At foure of tlie clocke in the morning, mcc tackt about to 
the southward : at eleven of the clocke the winde came to 
the north-west, and so to the west north-west. This day 
we had change of water, of a whitish greene, like to the ice 
water to the north-west. At noone it clecred up, and be- 
came very faire weather : wee put out our mayne top-sayle : 
then we observed the sunne, and found our height to be 51 
degrees, 24 minutes. We had sayled many courses and 
found our ship gone to the southward of our account ten 
leagues, by reason of a current from the north-ward.^ The a current 

, . , from tlie 

compasse varied one point to the east. uortb. 


The hvelfth, faire sun-shining weather, but much wind at o"e point 
the west : we stood to the southward all day, the wind shift- 
ing between the south-west and the west and by north. 
Wee made our way south halfe a point west, eight and 
twentie leagues. Our height at noone was 50 degrees, 9 
minutes. At eight of the clock at night we took off our 
bonets, the wind increasing. 

The thirteenth, faire sun-shining weather : the wind vari- 
able betweene the west and north north-west. Wee made 
our way south south-west, seven and twentie leagues. At 
noone we observed, and found our height to be 48 degrees, 
45 minutes, but not to be trusted, the sea went so high. 
In the after-noone the winde Avas calmer, and wee brought 
to our bonets, and stood to the southward all night with a 
stiffe gale. 

T\).e fourteenth, faire and clcere sun-shining weather: the 
winde variable betweene the north-west and south-west by 

^ The .h-ctic current, from Davis' and Iliulrion's Straits to the suuth. 


west. At midnight I observed the north starre at a north- 
west by west guarde ; a good observation 49 degrees, 30 
minutes. And at noone wee observed the sunne, and our 
height Avas 48 degrees, 6 minutes. And I made account 
we ranne betweene the two observations twelve leagues. 
At one of the clocke in the after-noone, wee cast about to 
the westward, and stood so all night : the winde increased to 
a storme, and was very much winde with raine. 

The fifteenth, we had a great storme, and spent* over- 
boord our fore-mast, bearing our fore corse low set. The 
sixteenth, we were forced to trie with our mayne saylc, 
'"''^' by reason of the unconstant weather. So wee tried foure 

watches, south-east and by south eight leagues and an halfe, 
two watches, sixe leagues. The seventeenth, reasonable faire 
weather : the wind variable betweene west south-west aud 
west north-west. And a stifFe gale of wind, and so great a 
swelling sea out of the west south-west, that wee could doe 
nothing. So one watch and an halfe wee drove north foure 
leagues and a halfe, and foure watches and an halfe south 
and by east halfe a point east twelve leagues. The eigh- 
teenth, reasonable weather but close and cloudie, and an 
hard gale of wind, and a great sea. The winde being at 
the north-west, wee lay to the southward, and made our 
drift south and by west, five leagues. The after-noone 
prooved little wind, and the night part calme. The nine- 
teenth, in the fore-noone, faire weather and calme. In the 
morning we set the piece of our fore mast, and set our fore 

The one and ticenlictJt,, faire sun-shining wcatlic]', but 

much wind and a great sea. We split our fore sayle at ten 

i.Jt! lu)"'^ '''' of the cloche ; then we laid it a trie* with our mayne sayle, 

buitire'^''' and coulinued so all day. In the night it fell to be little 

biijie, etc. wind. This day our hcigth was 45 degrees, 48 minutes. 

The two and twentieth, very faire sun-shining weather, 
aiid calme all the aitcr-noonc. At not)nc we made a \erv 

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 53 

good observation, and found our heigth 44 degrees, 58 mi- 
nutes. At eight of the clocke at night wee had a small gale 
of winde at south-east. And wee steered away west for New- 
found Land.^ The true compasse varied one point east. variaiiuu. 

The three and twentieth, thicke weather with much wind 
and some raine. At eight of the clocke in the morning, the 
wind came to the west south-west and west so stiffe a gale, that 
we were forced to take our top-sayle, and steered aAvay 
north north-west untill foure of the clock in the after-noone. 
Then Ave tact to the southward, the winde at west north- 
west. At eight of the clocke at night wee tooke in our top- 
sayles, and laid it a trie with our mayne sayle, the winde 
at west. 

The foure and twentieth, a stiffe gale of wind, varying bc- 
tweene the west and north north-west ; we tried till sixe of 
the clocke : at which time we set our fore saile, and steered 
way west and by south by our compasse eight leagues in 
foure watches ; and wee tried away south in one Avatch and 
an halfe. 

The Jive and twentieth, faire sun- shining weather, the 
wind at north north-west and north, we steered away west 
by south by our compasse till twelve of the clocke : at which 
time we had sight of a sayle and gave her chase, but could 
not speake Avith her. She stood to the eastward ; and we 
stood after her till sixe of the clocke in the after-noone. 
Then wee tact to the westward againe, and stood on our 
course. It was faire all night, and little wind sometimes. 

^ Newfoundland was, in Hudson's time, a very vague term. The 
coasts which it seems to embrace were so imperfectly known, that a strict 
geographical interpretation of the term is quite impossible. It was, by 
authors and seamen, applied to all the North American coasts along which 
the codfisheries were established. Hudson himself includes under the 
name of Newfoundland the coast down to about 43° 20', that is to say, 
Nova Scotia. Although Hudson's Newfoundland stretches thus much 
farther south than the island which still bears that time-honoured name, 
the island formed even then the main part of Newfoundland. 

54 mastp:r iiknuy hudsox. 

The six and twentieth, all the forepart of the day very 
faire weather and hot, but at foure of the clocke in the after- 
noone it grew to bee much winde and raine : the winde 
Avas at south south-cast. At noone wee observed and found 
our heigth to bee 44 degrees, oo minutes. At eight of the 
clocke at night the wind came to the south-west, and west 
south-west. Wee steered north-west, one watch, and at 
twelve in the night to the west, and west and by south, 
very much wind. So we could lye but north north-west. 

'J'he seven and twentieth, very much winde and a soare 
storme, the wind westerly. In the morning, at foure of the 
clocke, wee tooke in our fore-corse, and layd it a trie with 
our mayne-corse low set ; and so continued all the day and 
night, two watches to the northward. At eight of the clocke 
at night, we tackt to the southward. 

The eicjht and twentieth, faire sun-shining weather, the 
wind at west and by south ; we lay a trie to the southward 
till eight of the clocke in the morning. Then we set our 
fore-corse, and stood to the southward, a stiffe gale of wind, 
but faire weather and a great sea out of the wester-boord, 
and so continued all night. 

The nine and twentieth, faire sun-shining weather, the 
wind at west and by south ; we stood to the southward 
untill sixe of the clocke at night, and made our way south 
and by cast foure leagues. Then the winde came to the 
south-west, and wee cast about to the westward, and made 
our way west north-west all night. At noone, I found the 
height 43 degrees, (5 minutes. 'J'hc variation one point 

The tJiirtieth, faire sun-shining weather^ the winde at 
south-west and by west ; we steered north-west and by west, 
and made our way so, by reason of the variation of the eom- 
passe. At noone, I found the height to bee 43 degrees, 18 
minutes ; wee continued our course all night, and made our 
way north-west and by west, luilfe a point westerly, iive and 
twentie leasjues. 

'JUIRD VOYAGE (1609). 55 

T\\e first of Jithj, close, mystie and thicke weather, but a luiy. 
faire gale of wind at south-west, and south-west by south. 
We steered away north-west and by west westerly, and 
made our way so, by reason of the variation of the compasse. 
At ei<jht of the clocke at niiiht wee sounded for the banke of '^,!'v '*""'"' 
New-found Land,^ but could get no ground. '""'"" '"'"'' 

The second, thicke niytitie weather, but little wind, and 
that at west and west and by south. At eight of the clocke 
in the jnorning we cast about to the southward, and when 
our ship was on stayes, we sounded for the banke, and had 
ground in thirtie fothoms, white sand and shells, and pre- 
sently it cleered : and we had sight of a sayle, but spake 
not with her. In the night wee had much rayne, thunder 
and lightning, and Avind shifting. 

The third, faire sun-shining weather, with a faire gale of 
wind at east north-east, and wee steered away west south- 
west by our compasse, which varyed 17 degfrees westward, variation 

•' ^ ^ •' o west, ir 

This morning we were among a great fleet of French-men, jl-'^llfXiiicii 
which lay fishing on the banke ; but we spake with none of ute I'mik". 
them. At noone wee found our heighth to bee 4-3 degrees, 
41 minutes. And we sounded at ten of the clocke, and had 
thirtie fathoms gray sand. At two of the clocke wee sounded, 
and had five and thirtie fathoms, gray sand. At eight of the 
clocke at night we sounded againe, and had eight and thirtie 
fathoms, gray sand as before. 

The fourth, at the fore-part of the day cleere, with a faire 
gale of Avind, but variable betweene the east north-east and 
south and by east ; wee held on our course as before. The 
after-noone was mystie, the wind shifting betweene the 
south and the west till foure of the clocke. Then we tooke 
in our top-sayle and sprit-sayle, and sounded and had no 
ground in seventie fathoms. The winde shifted still untill 
eight of the clocke, then it came to the north north-east and 

^ Probably near Cape Sable, the most southern point of Nova Scotia ; 
lat. 43° 22' N.; long. 60° 35' W. See note at p. 53. 


north-east and by north, and wee steered away west north- 
west by our varyed compasse, which made a west way lialfe 
point north. The compasse varyed 15 degrees from the 
north to the west. 

The J?/i{, faire sun-shining weather, the wind at north-east 
and by north ; we steered away west north-west, which was 
west halfe a point north. At noone we found our heighth 
to be 44 degrees, 10 minutes, and sounded and had no 
ground in one hundred fathoms. The after-noone proved 
cahne sometimes, and sometimes little wind, untill nine of 
the clocke in the night. Then the wind came to the 
east, and we held on our course. At midnight I observed 
and found the height to bee 44 degrees, 10 minutes, by the 
ia^de''rees ^lo^'th starrc and the scorpions heart. The compasse varyed 
13 degrees. 

The sixth, the forepart of the day faire weather, and a stiffe 
gale of wind betweene south south-east and south-west; wee 
steered west and by north and west north-west. The after- 
Foggieand pj^^.f; ^f ^\-^q j^y fi'om two of the clocke, was all fosrcrie and 
''""'''■ thicke weather ; the wind a hard gale, varying betweene 

south-west and by south and west and by north ; we made 
our way north-west halfe a point northerly, nineteene leagues, 
upon many points foure watches. At night, at eight of the 
clocke, we sounded and had no ground at one hundred 

The seventh, faire sun-shining weather, the wind varying 
betweene west and by north and west and by south. At 
foure of the clocke in the morning we cast about to the 
southward, and stood so till one in the after-noone. At 
noone we found our height to be 44 degrees, 26 minutes. 
At seven of the clocke we tackt to the northward. At eight 
at night we tackt to the southward and sounded, and had 
nine and fiftie fathoms, white sand. 

The eight, in the forc-noonc faire weather, but the morn- 
wvjC fouuic till seven of the clocke. At foure of the clocke 


THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 57 

in the morning we sounded, and had five and fortie fathoms, 
fine white sand, and we had runnc five leagues south and 
by west. Then wee stood along one glasse, and went one 
league as before. Then we stood one glasse and sounded, 
and had sixtie fathoms. Then Me tackt and stood backe to 
the banke, and had five and twentie fathoms ; and tryed for 
fish, and it fell calme, and we caught one hundred and 
eighteene great coddes, from eight a clocke till one, and ^d^ukeu! 
and after dinner wee tooke twelve, and saw many great 
scoales of herrings. Then Avee had a gale of wind at south ; gcoaies^or* 
and it shifted to the west north-west, and wee stood three •'^''""s^- 
glasses and sounded and had sixtie fathomes, and stood two to°ti?e the^ 
glasses and had two and fortie fathoms, red stones and shells, ihfe aua 
So wee sounded every glasse, and had severall soundings 35, poie.'etc. 
S3, 30, 31, 32, 33 and 34 fathoms. 

The ninth, faire calme weather ; we lay becalmed all day 
and caught some fish, but not much, because we had small 
store of salt. At three of the clocke in the after-noone wee 
had a gale at south-east and south south-east, and we steered 
away westerly; our compasse was west and by south halfe 
a point south. At foure of the clocke we sounded and had 
but fifteene, seventeene, and nineteene fathoms on a fishing 
banke ; and we sounded every glasse. Then we could get 
no ground in five and twentie fathoms, and had sight of a 
sayle on head off us. At noone our height was 44 degrees, 
27 minutes. We stood to the westward all night, and 
spake with a French-man, which lay fishing on the banke of 
Sablen,^ in thirtie fathoms, and we saw two or three more. 

The tenth, very mystie and thicke weather, the wind at 
south-west, a faire gale. We stood to the south-ward, and 
made our way south-east and by east. At twelve of the 
clocke we sounded, and had eight and fortie fathoms : againe 
at two we sounded, and had fiftie fathoms. And at sixe of 
the clocke we sounded, and had eight and fortie fathoms on 
^ Banc des Sables, off Mahoue Bay. 


the end of the bankc. Againe at eight of the clocke at 

night wee sounded, and had no ground in cightic fathomes, 

and -were over the banke. So wee stood along till mid- 

variation nigrht. The compasse varyed seventeen degrees to the west- 

17 degrees. O I J ^ 


The eleccnth, very thicke and mystie weather. At twelve 
of the clocke at night we cast about to the westward, and 
stood so all day, and made our way west north-west. We 
sounded at twelve of the clocke, but had no ground ; so we 
stood to the westward all the fore part of the night and 
sounded, but could get no ground in fiftie or sixtie fathoms 
till mid-night. Then I sounded and had ground at fifteene 
fathoms, white sand. 

The twelfth was very foggie, we stood our course all the 

morning till eleven of the clocke ; at which time we had 

[ow white^ sight of the land, which is low white sandie ground, right 

and'saudie. ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ . ^^^^ j^.^^^ ^^^^ fathoms. Then we tackt to the 

southward, and stood off foure glasses : then we tackt to the 
land againe, thinking to have rode under it, and as we came 
neere it the fog was so thicke that we could not see ; so wee 
stood off againe. From mid-night to two of the clocke we 
came sounding in twelve, thirteene, and fourteene fathoms 
off the shoare. At foure of the clocke we had 20 fathoms. 
At eight of the clocke at night, 30 fathoms. At twelve of 
the clocke, 65 fathoms, and but little winde, for it deeped 
apace, but the neerer the shoare the fairer shoalding. 

The thirteenth, faire sun-shining weather, from eight of 
the clocke in the fore-noone all day after, but in the morn- 
ing it was foggie. Then at eight of the clocke we cast about 
for the shoare, but could not see it ; the w^ind being at south 
by our true compasse, wee steered west and by north. At 
43 dogrets, noouc WO obscrved, and found our height to bee 43 degrees, 

25 iiiiiiules. o i- 

25 minutes ; so we steered away M'cst and by north all the 
aftcr-noone. At foure of the clocke in the after-noone we 
sounded, and had five and thirtie fathoms ; and at sixe of 

THIRD VOYAGK (1609). 59 

the clocke wee had sig-ht of the hind, and saw two saylcs on i^,',^'j''J'^j 

head ofF us. The hand by the waters side is low land, and si"'/,""''" 


white sandie bankes rising, full of little hils. Our sound- 
ings were 35, 33, 30, 28, 32, 37, 33, and 3.^ fathoms. 

The fourteenth, full of mysts, flying and vading the wind 
betweene south and south-west; we steered away west north- 
west, and north-west and by west. Our soundings were 29, 
25, 24, 25, 22, 25, 27, 30, 28, 30, 35, 43, 50, 70, 90, 70, 64, 
86, 100 fathoms, and no ground. 

The fifteenth, very mj^stie, the wiude varying betweene 
south and south-west ; wee steered west and by north, and 
west north-west. In the morning we sounded, and had one 
hundred fathoms, till foure of the clocke in the after-noone. 
Then we sounded againe, and had seventie-five fathoms. 
Then in two glasses running, which was not above two 
English miles, we sounded and had sixtie fathoms, and it 
shoalded a great pace untill we came to tweiitie fathoms. 
'J'hen we made account we were neere the islands that lie 
off the shoare. So we came to an anchor, the sea being very 
smooth and little wind, at nine of the clocke at night. After 
supper we tryed for fish, and I caught fifteene cods, some 
the greatest that I have scene, and so Ave rode all night. 

The sixteenth, in the morning, it cleered up, and we had 
siorht of five islands lying north, and north and by west from Five 

» J O J : islands. 

us, two leagues. Then wee made ready to set sayle, but the 
myst came so thicke that we durst not enter in among them. 
The seventeenth, was all mystic, so that we could not get 
into the harbour. At ten of the clocke two boats came off 
to us, with sixe of the savages of the countrey, seeming glad sixesavages 

' o ^ ' D o come aboard 

of our comming. We gave them trifles, and they eate and *'^'^°^' 
dranke with us ; and told us that there were gold, silver, 
and copper mynes hard by us -, and that the French-men 
doe trade with them ; which is very likely, for one of them 
spake some words of French. So wee rode still all day and 
all night, the weather continuing mystic. 


The eighteenth, faire weather, wee went into a very good 

harbour, and rode hard by the shoare in foure fathom water. 

A large 'Y\\c x'wcv runucth UD a srreat way, but there is but two 

river. l o .' ' 

fathoms hard by us. \\e went on shoare and cut us a fore 

mast ; then at noone we came aboord againe, and found the 

44 Jegrecs, height of thc placc to bee in 44 degrees, 1 minute, and the 

1 minute. O l O ' J 

sunne to fall at a south south-west sunne, AYe mended our 
sayles, and fell to make our fore-mast. The harbour lyeth 
south and north, a mile in where we rode. 

The 7imeteenth, we had faire sun-shining weather, we rode 
still. In the after-noone wee went with our boate to looke 
for fresh water, and found some ; and found a shoald with 
many lobsters on it, and caught one and thirtie. The people 
coming aboord, shewed us great friendship, but we could 
not trust them. The twentieth, faire sunne-shining weather, 
the winde at south-west. In the morning, our scute went 
ou^t to catch fresh fish halfe an houre before day, and re- 
turned in two houres, bringing seven and twentie great 
coddes, with two hookes and lines. In the afternoone wee 
went for more lobsters and caught fortie, and returned 
aboard. Then wee espied two French shallops full of the 
country people come into the harbour, but they offered us 
no wrong, seeing we stood vipon our guard. They brought 
many beaver skinncs and other fine furres, which they would 
ule" French^ havc chaugcd for redde gownes. For the French trade 
salvages, with them for red cassockes, knives, hatchets, copper, kettles, 
trevits, beadcs, and other trifles. 

The one and twentieth, all mystic, the wind easterly ; wee 
rode still and did nothing, but about our mast. The two 
and tioentieth, fair sun-shining weather, tlie winde all north- 
erly ; wc rode still all thc day. In thc after-noone our scute 
went to catch more lobsters, and brought with them nine 
and fiftie. The night was cleerc weather. 

The three and twentietJi, i'aire sun-shining wcatlicr and 
very hot. At eleven of tlie clocke our fore mast Mas finished, 

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 61 

aiid wee brought it aboorcl, and set it into the step, and in 
the after-noone we rigged it. This night we had some little 
myst and rayne. 

The foure and twentieth, very hot weather, the winde at 
south out of the sea. The fore-part of the day wee brought 
to our sayles. In the morning our scute went to take fish, 
and in two hourcs they brought with them twentie great 
coddes and a great holibut ; the night Avas faire also. We 
kept good watch for fear of being betrayed by the people, 
and perceived where they layd their shallops. 

The^i^e and twentieth, very faire weather and hot. In 
the morning wee manned our scute with foure muskets and 
sixe men, and tooke one of their shallops and brought it 
aboord. Then we manned our boat and scute with twelve 
men and muskets, and two stone pieces or murderers, and 
drave the savasces from their houses, and tooke the spovle of P'®y ^p°J'''^ 

o ' r J nouses 

them, as they would have done of us. Then wee set sayle, salvages. 
and came downe to the harbours mouth, and rode there all 
night, because the winde blew right in, and the night grew 
mystie with much rayne till mid-night. Then it fell calme, 
and the wind came off' the land at west north-west, and it 
began to cleere. The compasse varyed ten degrees north- 

The size and tiventieth, faire and cleere sunne-shining 
weather. At five of the clocke in the morning, the winde 
being off the shoare at north north-west, we set sayle and 
came to sea, and by noone we counted our ship had gone 
fourteene leagues south-west. In the after-noone, the winde 
shifted variably betweene west south-west and north-west. 
At noone I found the height to bee 43 degrees, 56 minutes. 
This eevening being very faire weather, wee observed the 
variation of our compasse at the sunnes going downe, and iifjg*'j."gg 
found it to bee 6 degrees from the north to the westward. n'^^tu.Ve'st. 

The seven and twentieth, faire sun-shining weather, the 
winde shifting betweene the south-west and west and by 


nortli a stiffc gale ; we stood to the southward all day, and 
made our way south and by west, seven and twentie leagues. 
At noone, our height was 42 degrees, 50 minutes. At foure 
of the clocke in the after-noone, wee cast about to the north- 
ward. At eiglit of the clocke, we tooke in our top-saylcs 
and our fore-bonnet, and went with a short sayle all night. 

The eight and twentieth, very thicke and mystie, and a 
stiffe gale of wind, varying betweene south south-west and 
south-west and by west ; we made our way north-west and 
by M'est, seven and twentie leagues ; wee sounded many 
times and could get no ground. At five of the clocke we 
cast about to the southward, the wind at south-west and 
by west. At which time we sounded, and had ground at 
seventie-five fathoms. At eight, wee had sixtie-five fathoms. 
At ten, sixtie. At twelve of the clocke at mid-night, fiftie- 
sixe fathoms, gray sand. 

The compasse varyed 6 degrees to the north point to the 

The nine and twentieth, faire weather, we stood to the 
southward, and made our way south and by west a point 
south, eighteene leagues. At noone we found our height to 
be 42 degrees, 56 minutes ; wee sounded oft and had these, 
60, 64, 65, 67, 65, 65, 70, and 75 fathoms. At night wee 
tryed the variation of our compasse by the setting of the 
sunne, and found that it went downe 37 degrees to the north- 
ward of the west, and should have gone downe but 31 de- 
grees. The compasse varyed 5 and a halfe degrees. 

The thirtieth, very hot, all the fore part of the day calme, 
the wind at south south-east ; wee steered away west south- 
west and sounded many times, and could find no ground at 
one hundred and seventie fathomcs. We found a great cur- 
rent and many over-falls. Our current had deceived us. 
For at noone wc found our height to be 41 degrees, 34 
minutes. And the current had heaved us to the south- 
ward foureteene leagues. At eight of the clocke at night I 

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 63 

sounded, and had ground in flftie-two fathomes. In the end 
of the mid-night M'atch wee had fiftie-threc fathomes. This 
last ©bservation is not to be trusted. 

The one and thirtieth, very thicke and mystie all day, 
untill tcnne of the clocke. At night the wind came to the 
south, and south-west and south. We made our way west 
north-west, nineteene leagues. Wee sounded many times, 
and had difference of soundings, sometimes little stones, and 
sometimes grosse gray sand, fiftic-sixe, fiftie-foure, fortie- 
eight, fortie-seven, fortie-foure, fortie-six'e, fiftie fathoms ; 
and at eight of the clocke at night it fell calme, and we had 
fiftie fathomes. And at ten of the clocke we heard a great 
rut, like the rut of the shoare. Then I sounded and found -^ si'^^t rut. 
the former depth ; and mistrusting a current, seeing it so 
still that the ship made no way, I let the lead lie on the 
ground, and found a tide set to the south-west, and south- 
west and by west, so fast, that I could hardly vere the line 
so fast, and presently came an hurlinor current, or tyde with a current 

' -i •' O ' .' tothesouth- 

over-fals, Avhich cast our ship round ; and the lead was so ^f^t^^^est 
fast in the ground that I feared the lines breaking, and we over-feia!"^ 
had no more but that. At midnight I sounded againe, and 
we had seventie-five fathomes ; and the strong streame had 
left us. 

The^rs^ of August, all the fore part of the day was mys- August. 
tie ; and at noone it cleered up. We found that our height 
was 41 degrees, 45 minutes, and w^e had gone nineteene 
leagues. The after-noon was reasonable cleere. We found 
a rustling tide or current with many over-fals to continue 
still, and our water to change colour, and our sea to bee very 
deepe, for wee found no ground in one hundred fathomes. 
The night was cleere, and the winde came to the north, and 
north-east; we steered west. 

The second, very faire weather and hot ; from the morn- 
ing till noone we had a gale of wind, but in the after-noone 
little wind. At noone I sounded, and had one hundred and 


ten fathomes ; and our height was 41 degrees, 56 minutes. 
And wee had runne four and twentie leagues and an halfe. 
At the sun-setting we observed the variation of the Tom- 
passe, and found that it was come to his true place. At 
eight of the clocke the gale increased, so wee ranne sixe 
leagues that watch, and had a very faire and cleere night. 

The third, very hot weather. In the morning we had 

sight of the land, and steered in with it, thinking to go 

to the northward of it. So we sent our shallop with five 

men to sound in by the shore : and they found it deepe five 

They goeon fathomcs witliiu a bow-shot of the shoare ; and they went on 

land iieere •' 

Cape Cod. jj^j-j(j^ j^j^(j found goodly grapes and rose trees, and brought 
them aboord with them, at five of the clocke in the eeven- 
ing. We had seven and twentie fathomes within two miles 
of the shoare ; and we found a floud come from the south- 
east, and an ebbe from the north-west, with a very strong 
streame, and a great hurling and noyses. At eight of the 
clocke at night the wind began to blow a fresh gale, and 
continued all night but variable. Our sounding that wee 
had to the land was one hundred, eightie, seventie-foure, 
fiftie-two, fortie-sixe, twentie-nine, twentie-seven, twentie- 
foure, nineteene, sometimes oze, and sometimes gray sand. 

The fourth, was very hot ; we stood to the north-Avest, 
two watches, and one south in for the land, and came to an 
anchor at the norther end of the headland, and heard the 
voyce of men call. Then we sent our boat on shoare, think- 
ing they had beene some Christians left on the land : but 

Savages, wcc found them to bee savages, which seemed very glad of 
our comming. So wee brought one aboard with us, and 
gave him mcate, and he did eate and drinke with us. Our 
master gave him three our foure glasse buttons, and sent 
him on land with our shallop againe. And at our boats 
comming from the shoare he leapt and danced, and held up 
liis hands, and pointed us to a river on the other side : for 
we had made signes that we came to fish there. The bodie 

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 65 

of this headland lyeth in 41 degrees, 45 minutes.^ "We set 
sayle againe after dinner, thinking to have got to the west- 
ward of this headland, but could not ; so we beare up to the 
southward of it, and made a south-east way ; and the souther 
point did beare west at eight of the clocke at night. Our 
soundings about the easter and norther part of this headland, 
a league from the shoare, are these : at the easterside, thir- 
tie, twentie-seven, twentie-seven, twentie-foure, twentie-five, 
twentie. The north-east point, 17 degrees, 18 minutes, and 
so deeper. The north end of this headland, hard by the 
shoare, thirtie fathomes : and three leagues off north north- 
west, one hundred fathomes. At the south-east part a 
league off, fifteene, sixteene, and seventeene fathomes. The 
people have greene tabacco and pipes, the boles whereof are 
made of earth and the pipes of red copper. The land is 
very sweet. 

T\iejift, all mystie. At eight of the clocke in the morn- 
ing wee tact about to the westward, and stood in till foure 
of the clocke in the after-noone ; at which time it cleered, 
and wee had sight of the head-land againe five leagues from 
us. The souther point of it did beare west off us : and we 
sounded many times, and had no ground. And at foure of 
the clocke we cast about, and at our staying wee had seven- 
tie fathomes. Wee steered away south and south by east 
all night, and could get no ground at seventie and eightie 
fathomes. For wee feared a great riffe that lyeth off the 
land, and steered away south and by east. 

The sixth, faire weather, but many times mysting. Wee 
steered away south south-east, till eight of the clocke in the 
morning ; then it cleered a little, and we cast about to the 
westward. Theji we sounded and had thirtie fathomes, grosse 
sand, and were come to the riffe. Then wee kept our lead, 
and had quicke shoalding from thirtie, twentie-nine, twentie- 
seven, twentie-foure, twentie-two, twentie and an halfe, 
1 At the south side of Stage Harbour, Massachusetts. 


This flnn- 
pei-ous rifle 
is in 41 


twentie, twentie, nincteene, ninetccne, nineteene, ei^htceiie, 
cighteene, seventeene ; and so deeping againe as proportion- 
ally as it shoalded. For we steered south and south-east till 
we came to twentic-sixe fathomes. Then we steered south- 
west, for so the tyde doth set. By and by, it being calme, we 
tryed by our lead; for you shall have sixteene or seventeene 
fathomes, and the next cast but seven or six fathomes. And 
farther to the westward you shall have foure and five foot 
water, and see rockes under you, and you shall see the land 
in the top. Upon this riffe we had an observation, and found 
Jfe"^*^, 10 that it lyeth in 40 degrees, 10 minutes. And this is that 
aiid lyetii off headland which Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold discovered 

east from 

Cape Cod jn the yeere 1602, and called Cape Cod,^ because of the store 

into the sea. •' '■ 

of cod-fish that hee found thereabout. So we steered south- 
west, three leagues, and had twentie and twentie-foure 
fathomes. Then we steered west two glasses, halfe a league, 
and came to fifteene fathomes. Then we steered off south- 
east foure glasses, but could not get deepe water ; for there 
the tyde of ebbc laid us on ; and the streame did hurle so, 
that it laid us so neere the breach of a shoald that wee were 
forced to anchor. So at seven of the clocke at night wee 

^ The real locality here described is probably some rifF near Cape 
Malabar, for Cape Cod is under 42° 4', 130 miles farther north than the 
point mistaken for it by Hudson. Gosnold's explorations were but 
vaguely known to him, and this accounts for his mistake. Purchas, who 
edited Juet's journal sixteen years after it was written, had a better, 
though not an exact knowledge of the real situation of Cape Cod, which 
had frequently been visited in the meantime. Struck by Hudson's 
mistake, he makes, in his side note, the conjecture that the 40° 10' of 
the journal was originally meant for 41° 10'. This supposition, which 
would shake our faith in all the latitudes recorded in that same paper, 
is fortunately not borne out by the preceding part of tlie A'oyage. Hud- 
son was, on the 4th of August, under 41° 45' ; he sailed south and south 
by east the whole night of the r)th, and part of the Gth, and it is there- 
fore impossible that he should have been only 5' (about six and a quarter 
miles) farther south on the 6th than on the 4th, Besides, 41° 10' is still 
nearly a degree to the south of Cape Cod. We ought to thank Purchas 
for not having introduced his conjecture into the text. 

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 67 

were at an anchor in tenne fathomes : and I give God most 
heartie thankes, the least Avater wee had was seven fathomes 
and an halfe. We rode still all night, and at a still water 
I sounded so farre round about our ship as we could see 
a light ; and had no lesse then eight, nine, ten, and eleven 
fathomes : the myst continued being very thicke. 

The seventli, faire weather and hot, but mystie. Wee 
rode still hoping it would cleere, but on the floud it fell 
calme and thicke. So we rode still all day and all night. 
The floud commeth from the south-west, and riseth not 
above one fathome and an halfe in nepe streames. Toward 
night it cleered, and I went with our shallop and sounded, 
and found no lesse water then eight fathomes to the south- 
east off us; but we saw to the north-west off us great breaches. 

The eight, faire and cleere weather. In the morning, by 
sixe of the clocke, at slake water, wee weighed, the wind at 
north-east, and set our fore-sayle and mayne top-sayle, and 
got a mile over the flats. ^ Then the tyde of ebbe came, so The flats. 
we anchored againe till the floud came. Then we set sayle 
againe, and by the great mercie of God wee got cleere off 
them by one of the clocke this afternoone. And wee had 
sight of the land from the west north-west to the north north- 
west. So we steered away south south-east all night, and 
had ground untill the middle of the third watch. Then we 
had fortie-five fathomes, white sand and little stones. So 
all our soundings are twentie, twentie, twentie-two, twentie- 
seven, thirtie-two, fortie-three, fortie-three, fortie-five. Then 
no ground in seventie fathomes. 

The ninth, very faire and hot weather, the Avind a very 
stifle gale. In the morning, at foure of the clocke, our 
shallop came running up against our sterne, and split in all 
her stemme ; so we were faine to cut her away. Then wee 

^ There are so many sandbanks in these parts, that it is impossible to 
guess, from Hudson's rather vague observations, what sandbank he 


tooke in our mayne-sayle, and lay atric under our fbre-sayle 
untill twelve of the clocke at mid-day. Then the wind 
eased to a faire gale, so wee stood away south-west. Then 
we lay close by, on many courses a south by west way fif- 
teene leagues ; and three watches south-east by east, ten 
leagues. At eight of the clocke at night wee tooke in our 
top-sayles, and went with a low sayle, because we were in 
an unknowne sea. At noone we observed, and found our 
heigth to be 38 degrees, 39 minutes. 

The tenth, in the morning, some raine and cloudie wea- 
ther : the winde at south-west, wee made our way south-east 
by east, ten leagues. At noone wee observed, and found 
our heigth to bee 38 degrees, 39 minutes. Then wee tackt 
about to the westward, the wind being at south and by east, 
little wind. At foure of the clocke it fell calme, and we had 
two dolphines about our ship, and many small fishes. At 
eight of the clocke at night wee had a small lingring gale. 
All night we had a great sea out of the south-west, and 
another great sea out of the north-east. 

The eleventh, all the fore part of the day faire weather, 

and very hot. We stood to the west south-west till noone. 

• Then the wind shorted, and we could lye but south-west 

and by south. At noone wee found our heigth to bee 39 

A current degrees, 11 minutes, and that the current had laid us to the 

setting to " ' ' 

theuorth. northward thirtie-two minutes contrary to our expectation. 
At foure of the clocke in the after-noone there came a myst, 
which endured two houres, but wee had it faire and clccre 

oue'l'ioinf. all night after. The compasse varied the north point to the 
west one whole point. 

The tivelfth, faire weather, the wind variable betweene 
the south-west and by south and the north : little wind. In 
the morning we killed an extraordinary fish, and stood to 
the westward all day and all night. At noone we found our 
heigth to be 38 degrees, 13 minutes. And the observation the 

^Mi'"'i't"g *^^y before was not good. This noone, we found the com- 
passe to vary from the north to the west ton degrees. 


The thirteenth, faire weather and hot, the wind at north- 
east. Wee steered away west, and by our compasse two 
and twentie leagues. At noone Avec found our height to bee 
37 degrees, 45 minutes, and that our way from noone to 
noone was west south-west, halfe a point southerly. The 
compasse was T degrees and a halfe variation from the north 
point to the west. 

lL\\e fourteenth, faire weather, but cloudie and a stifFe gale 
of wind, variable betweene north-east and south-west ; wee 
steered away west by south, a point south, all day untill 
nine of the clocke at night ; then it began to thunder and 
lighten, whereupon we tooke in all our sayles and layd it a 
hull, and hulled away north till mid-night, a league and a 

The fifteenth, very faire and hot weather, the winde at 
north by east. At foure of the clocke in the morning we 
set sayle, and stood on our course to the westward. At 
noone wee found our height to bee 37 degrees, 25 minutes. 37 degrees, 

iio minutes. 

The after-noone proved little wind. At eight of the clocke 
at night the winde came to the north, and wee steered west 
by north and west north-west, and made our way west. The 
compasse varyed 7 degrees from the north to the west. 

The sixteenth, faire shining weather and very hot, the 
"wind variable betweene the north and the west ; wee steered 
away west by north. At noone wee found our height to bee 
37 degrees, 6 minutes. This morning we sounded and had ar degrees, 

, . . . ^ 1 , . . , . . •; minutes. 

ground m ninetie latnomes, and in sixe glasses running it 
shoalded to fiftie fathoms, and so to eight and twentie 
fathoms, at foure of the clocke in the after-noone. Then wee 
came to an anchor, and rode till eight of the clocke at night, 
the wind being at south and moone-light; we resolved to 
goe to the northward to finde deeper water. So we weighed 
and stood to the northward, and found the water to shoald 
and deepe from eight and twentie to twentie fathomes. 
The seventeenth, faire and cleere sun-shining weather, the 


winde at south by west ; wee steered to the northward till 
foure of the clocke in the morning ; then wee came to cigh- 
teene fathomes. So we anchored untill the sunne arose, to 
looke abroad for land, for wee judged there could not but bo 
land neere vis, but we could see none. Then we weighed, 
and stood to the westward till noone. And at eleven of the 
A low land docke wcc had sight of a low land, with a white sandie 

with awiiitc <-> ' 

shoare. shoarc. By twelve of the clocke we were come into live 
fathomes, and anchored ; and the land was foure leagues 
from us, and wee had sight of it from the west to the north- 

37 degrees, wcst bv north. Our height was 37 dearrees, 26 minutes. 

2(J miuutes. *' ° n ' 

Then the wind blew so stifFe a gale, and such a sea Ment, 
that we could not weigh; so we rode there all night an hard 
rode (sic). 

The eighteenth, in the morning, faire weather, and little 
winde at north north-east and north-east. At foure of the 
clocke in the morning we weighed, and stood into the shoare 
to see the deeping or shoalding of it, and finding it too 
deepe we stood in to get a rode : for wee saw, as it were, 
three Hands. So wee turned to windward to get into a bay, 
as it shewed to us to the westward of an iland. For the 
three Hands did beare north oiF us. But toward noone the 
wind blew northerly, with gusts of wind and rayne. So we 
stood off into the sea againe all night ; and running off we 
found a channell, wherein we had no lesse then eight, nine, 
ten, eleven, and twelve fathomes water. For in comming 
over the barre wee had five and foure fathomes and a halfe, 
Barreof ^ud it lyctli fivc Icagucs from the shoare, and it is the barre 

virgiuia. JO ' 

of Virginia. At the north end of it, it is ten leagues broad, 
and south and north, but deepe water from uintie fathomes 
to five and foure and a halfe. The land lyeth south and 
javor north. This is the entrance into the King's River in \'\v- 
ginia, where our English-men are.^ The north side of it 

' The early settlement alluded to, the romantic history of which every 
schoolboy knows, was more than thirty miles farther south than the 

THIRD VOYAGE (1G09). 71 

lyetli in 37 degrees, 2(5 minutes : you shall know when 
30U come to shoakl water or sounding, for the water will 
looke greene or thicke, you shall have ninctie and eightic 
fathomes, and shoalding a pace till you come to ten, eleven, 
nine, eight, seven, ten, and nine fathomes, and so to five, 
and foure fathomes and a halfe. 

The nineteenth, faire weather, but an hard gale of winde 
at the north-east ; wee stood off till noone, and made our 
way south-east by east, two and twentie leagues. At noone 
wee cast about to the westward, and stood till sixc of^°'®' 
the clocke in the after-noone, and went five leagues and a 
halfe north-west by north. Then wee cast about againc to 
the eastward, and stood that way till foure the next morning. 

The twentieth, faire and cleere weather, the winde varia- 
ble betweene east north-east and north-east. At foure of 
the clocke in the morning wee cast about to the westward, 
and stood till noone ; at which time I sounded, and had two 
and thirtie fathomes. Then we tackt to the eastward againe ; 
wee found our height to bee 37 degrees, 22 minutes. We almhuuea 
stood to the eastward all night, and had very much wind. 
At eight of the clocke at night we tooke off our bonnets, 
and stood with small sayle. 

The one and twentieth, was a sore storme of winde and 
rayne all day and all night, wherefore wee stood to the east- 
ward with a small sayle, till one of the clocke in the after- 
noone. Then a great sea brake into our fore-corse and split 
it ; so we were forced to take it from the yard and mend it : 

locality here alluded to by Hudson. Our navigator was but imper- 
fectly acquainted with its whereabouts, and this explains his failing 
to visit his friend John Smith, though the opportunity was so tempt- 
ing. If the latitudes in the journal are correct, the description here 
given applies to the coast of Northampton (Virginia) under 37° 26'. 
The three islands are a group to the north-east of Prout Island, and 
between them and Prout Island there is a sort of strait, which may be 
mistaken for the entrance of a river. The journal shows plainly that 
Hudson never attempted to explore the supposed river, and thus had no 
opportunity for finding out his mistake. 


wee lay a trie with our niayne-corse all night. This night 
our cat ranne crying from one side of the ship to the other, 
looking over-boord, which made us to wonder ; but we saw 

The two and twentieth, stormy weather, with gusts of 
rayne and wind. In the morning, at eight of the clocke, 
we set our fore- corse, and stood to the eastward under our 
fore-sayle, mayne-sayle and misen; and from noone to noone, 
we made our way east south-east, fourteene leagues. The 
night reasonable drie but cloudie, the winde variable all day 
and night. Our compasse was varyed 4 degrees westward. 

The three and twentieth, very faire weather, but some 
thunder in the morning, the winde variable betweene east 
by north. At noone wee tackt about to the northward, the 
winde at east by north. The after-noone very faire, the 
wind variable, and continued so all night. Our way we 
made east south-east, till noone the next day. 

Theybt^re and twentieth, faire and hot weather, Avith the 
wind variable betweene the north and the east. The after- 
noone variable winde. But at foure of the clocke, the ■wind 
came to the east and south-east ; so wee steered away north 
by west, and in three watches wee went thirteene leagues. 
At noone our height was 35 degrees, 41^ minutes, being 
farre off at sea from the land. 

The jive and twentieth, faire weather and very hot. All 
the morning was very calme untill eleven of the clocke ; the 
wind came to south-east and south south-east; so wee steered 
away north-west by north two watches and a halfe, and one 
watch north-west by west, and went eightecne leagues. At 
noone I found our height to bee 36 degrees, 20 minutes, 
being without sight of land. 

The sixe and tioentieth, faire and hot weather, the winde 
variable upon all the points of the compasse. From two of 
the clocke in the morning untill noone wee made our way 
' Off Nag's Head, South Carolina. 

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 73 

north by cast, seven leagues. In the after-noone tlie wind 

came to the north-east, and vering to the east south-cast ; 

wee steered away north-west fiftccnc leagues, from noone till 

ten of the clocke at night. At eight of the clocke at night 

wee sounded, and had eighteene fathomes, and were come 

to the banke of Virginia, and could not see the land. ^Vec ^f viry"^ia. 

kept sounding and steered away north, and came to eight 

fathomes and anchored there ; for the wind was at east 

south-east, so that wee could not get off. For the coast lyeth lyetu south 


along south south-west and north north-east. At noone our and north 


height was 37 desrrees, 15 minutes. And m'cc found that ?;"^j'"''^ 

O o -J 37 degrees, 

we were returned to the same place from whence we -^vere ^''' ™""^''^' 
put off at our first seeing land.^ 

The seve7i and iicentieiJi, faire weather and very hot, the 
winde at east south-east. In the morning, as soonc as the 
sunne was up, wee looked out and had sight of the land. 
Then wee weighed, and stood in north-west two glasses, and 
found the land to bee the place from whence wee put off 
first. So wee kept our loofe and steered along the land, 
and had the banke lye all along the shoare ; and wee had in Jg,-ecth 

1 /-fii I' ' • ^ • T with Robert 

two leagues oil the shoare, nve, sixe, seven, eight, nine, and Tjndaii. 
ten fathomes. The coast lyeth south south-west, and is a 
white sandie shoare, and sheweth full of bayes and points. 
The streame setteth west south-west and east north-east. At 
sixe of the clocke at night wee were thwart of an harbour 
or river, but we saw a barre lye before it ; and all within 
the land to the northward, the water ranne with many ilands 
in it. At sixe of the clocke we anchored, and sent our boate 
to sound to the shore-ward, and found no lesse then foure 
and a halfe, five, sixe, and seven fathomes. 

The eight and tioentietli, faire and hot weather, the winde 

^ Hudson, on his return from the south, sailed along the mainland of 
Virginia, and thus entered Chesapeake Bay. It is not quite clear how 
far he explored it. The latitude 37° 15' seems to be a mistake. He 
probably means 37^ 10' : that is to say, Charles' Cape, which he called 

Dry Cape, according to De Laet. 

10 * 


at south south-west. In the morninfr, at sixe of the clocke, wee 

weighed, and steered away north twelve leagues till noone, 

Thepnhit and came to the point of land ;^ and being hard by the land 

of laud. -l ' r> J 

in five fathomes, on a sudden wee came into three fathomes ; 
then Ave bearc up and had but ten foote water, and joined to 
the point. Then as soone as wee were over, wee had five, 
sixe, seven, eight, nine, ten, twelve and thirtecne fathomes. 
Then wee found the land to trend away north-west, with a 
Apreatbay trreat bay and rivers. But the bay wee found shoald: and 

and rivers. <=> •/ J 

in the offing wee had ten fathomes, and had sight of breaches 
and drie sand. Then wee were forced to stand backe againe ; 
so we stood backe south-east by south, three leagues. And 
at seven of the clocke wee anchored in eight fathomes water ; 
and found a tide set to the north-west, and north north-west, 
and it riseth one fathome and floweth south south-east. And 
he that will thoroughly discover this great bay, must have 

^laiTop^ ^ small pinasse, that must draw but foure or five foote 
water, to sound before him. At five in the morning wee 
weighed, and steered away to the eastward on many courses. 

The nortiier for tlic nortlicr land is full of shoalds. Wee were among 

liiud is lull ^ 

ofshoiiius. them, and once wee strooke ; and wee went away, and 
steered away to the south-east. So wee had two, three, 
foure, five, sixe, and seven fathomes, and so deeper and 

The nine and twentieth, faire weather, with some thunder 
and showers, the winde shifting betweene the south south- 
west and the north north-west. In the morning wee weighed 
at the breakc of day, and stood toward the norther land, 

Many wliicli wc fouud to bcc all ilands to our sight, and great 


^ Juct's account of the explorations marie on the 26th, 27th, and 2Sth, 
is very far from clear. But by making De Laet (see p. 1 56) bear upon 
it, we see that the Half Moon explored during those days the neighbour- 
hood and the mouth of Delaware River. The bay described on the present 
page is Delaware Bay. Later historians, chiefly Van der Donck, have 
asserted that Hudson took possession of the surrounding country. This 
seems, however, a pure invention. 

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 75 

stormes from them, and are shoald three leagues off. For 

we comming by them had but seven, sixe, five, foure, three, 

and two fathoms and a halfe, and strooke ground with our They strike. 

rudder ; we steered off south-west one glasse, and had five 

fathoms. Then wee steered south-east three ghasses ; then 

we found seven fathomes, and steered north- cast by east 

foure leagues, and came to twelve and thu-teene fathoms. 

At one of the clocke I went to the top-mast head and set the 

land, and the bodie of the Hands did beare north-west by 

north. And at foure of the clocke, wee had gone foure 

leagues east south-east, and north-east by east, and found 

but seven fathoms ; and it was calme, so we anchored. Then 

I went againe to the top-mast head, to see how farre I could 

see land about us, and could see no more but the ilands. 

And the souther point of them did beare north-west by 

west eight leagues off. So wee rode till mid-night. Then 

the winde came to the north north-west, so wee waighed and 

set sayle. 

The thirtieth, in the morning, betweene twelve and one, 
we weighed, and stood to the eastward, the winde at north 
north-west -, wee steered away and made our way east south- 
east. From our weighing till noone, eleven leagues. Our 
soundings were eight, nine, ten, eleven, twelve and thirteene 
fathomes till day. Then we came to eighteene, nineteene, 
twentie, and sixe and twentie fathoms by noone. Then I 
observed the sunne, and found the height to bee 39 degrees. Latitude 

' ° ° ^ ' 30 degrees, 

5 minutes,^ and saw no land. In the after-noone, the winde ^i^ii'iutes. 
came to north by west ; so wee lay close by with our fore- 
sayle and our mayne-sayle, and it Avas little winde untill 
twelve of the clocke at mid-night ; then wee had a gale a 
little while. Then I sounded, and all the night our sound- 
ings were thirtie and sixe and thirtie fathomes, and wee 
went little. 

The one and thirtieth, faire weather and little wind. At 
^ Off Hereford Inlet. 



sixe of the clocke in the morning wc cast about to the north- 
ward, the wind being at the north-east, little wind. At 

i.atituiie noone it fell calme, and I found the heisrht to bee 88 de- 

DeJ^euiiu?' gi'cos, 39 minutcs. And the streames had deceived us,' and 
our sounding was eight and thirtie fathoms. In the after- 
noone I sounded againe, and had but thirtie fathoms. So 
we found that we were heaved too and fro with the streames 
of the tide, both by our observations and our depths. From 
noone till foure of the clocke in the afternoone it was calme. 
At sixe of the clocke we had a little gale southerly, and it 
continued all night, sometimes calme and sometimes a gale ; 
wee went eight leagues from noone to noone, north by east. 

soiiemLei-. The Jiist of September, faire weather, the wind variable 
betweene east and south ; we steered away north north- 

Luiimie west. At noone we found our height to bee 39 degrees, 3 
minutes.^ Wee had soundings thirtie, twentie-seven, twen- 
tie-foure, and twentie-two fathomes, as wee went to the 
northward. At sixe of the clocke wee had one and twentie 
fathomes. And all the third watch, till twelve of the clocke 
at mid-night, we had soundings one and twentie, two and 
twentie, eighteene, two and twentie, one and twentie, eigh- 
tecne, and two and twentie fathoms, and went sixe leagues 
necre hand north north-west. 

The second, in the morning, close weather, the winde at 
south in the morning ; from twelve untill two of the clocke 
we steered north north-west, and had sounding one and 
twentie fathoms ; and in running one glasse we had but six- 
teene fathoms, then seventeene, and so shoalder and shoalder 
untill it came to twelve fathoms. We saw a great fire, but 
could not see the land ; then we came to ten fathoms, whcre- 

^ Twenty-six minutes farther south than according to his hist observa- 
tion. Un.acquainted with the nature of the pohir current along these 
coasts, Hudson had been unconsciously drifted back. "The streams had 
deceived him," as Juet says. 

'■^ Still two minutes farther south than they had been on the 31st of 
August. The polar currents made them lose two entire days. 

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 77 

upon we brought our tackcs aboorcl, and stood to the cast- 
ward east south-east, foure glasses. Then the sunne arose, 
and Avee steered away north againe, and saw the hmd from 
the west by north to the north-west by north, all like broken ^i'.'' i';^.",'^',,,^ 
islands,^ and our soundings were eleven and ten fathoms.""'*' 
Then wee looft in for the shoare, and fliire by the shoare 
we had seven fathoms. The course alonor the laud we found The course 

" aloiitr tlie 

to be north-east by north. From the land which we had [hemouth 
first sight of, untill we came to a great lake of water, as wee "oUKfrnoiuii 
could judge it to bee, being drowned land, which made it to noniierbay 

or lake. 

rise like islands, which was in length ten leagues. The 
mouth of that land hath many shoalds, and the sea breaketh 
on them as it is cast out of the mouth of it. And from that 
lake or bay the land lyeth north by east, and wee had a 
great streame out of the bay ; and from thence our sounding 
was ten fathoms two leagues from the land. At five of the 
clocke we anchored, being little winde, and rode in eight 
fathoms water ; the night was faire. This night I found the 
land to hall the compasse 8 dearrees. For to the northward variation 

'■ <-> 8 degrees 

ofi" us we saw high hils.^ For the day before we found not j^fj^^® "^® 
above 2 desrrees of variation. This is a very ijood land to ~ '^^sjeea 

~ JO vanatmu off 

fall with, and a pleasant land to see. ''^^^''^ 

^ Sandy Ilook, the well known island at the mouth of the Hudson. 
The following extracts from modern works on American geography will 
show how minutely this locality was explored by its discoverer, and how 
well it is described in the Journal : " Sandy Hook Bay is a sandy beach, 
extending north from Old Shrewsbury Inlet (New Jersey) and the south 
point of the highlands of Nevesinck, six miles, and is from half a mile 
to a mile wide." — Thomson's Geogr. Diet. " Sandy Hook Eay runs south 
into the town of Middleton, and is bounded to the south-west by the 
highlands of Nevesinck, and on the east by the sand beach forming Sandy 
Hook. Drained by Swimming and Nevisinck rivers." — U. S. Gazetteer, 
" In approaching Sandy Hook, Harbour Hill, on Long Island, and Nevi- 
sinck, on the Jersey shore, may be seen at the distance of about twenty- 
four to twenty-five miles. The first is 319, the second 281 feet above 
the water." — Mitchill, Geology ; and Akerley, Geology of Ihuhon River: 
quoted by Moulton, Hist, of the State of ^ew York, i, p. 209. 

^ See last note. 


The third, the morning mystic, untill ten of the clocke ; 

then it clecrecl, and the wind came to the south south-east, 

so wee weighed and stood to the northward. The Lmd' is 

ui^'haiuia vcrv lilcasant and hiyh, and bokl to fall withall. At tlu'ec 

bold shoai-o. "^ •■■ ° 

Tiiice gieut ^^f ^\^q clock in thc after-noone, wee came to three great 

rivers. o 

The rivers.'^ So we stood along: to the northermost, thinkinsc to 

norther- ° ' o 

barred. havc gouc into it, but we found it to have a very shoald 

barrc before it, for we had but ten foot water. Then we 

An pxooi- gj^st about to tlic southward, and found two fathoms, three 

luiU river. 

fathoms, and three and a quarter, till we came to the souther 
side "of them; then we had five and sixe fathoms, and 
anchored. So wee sent in our boate to sound, and they 
found no lesse water then foure, five, sixe, and seven fathoms, 
and returned in an houre and a halfe. So wee weighed and 
went in, and rode in five fathoms, oze ground, and saw 
Liiuiuao manv salmons, and mullets, and raves, very srreat. The 

40 degrees, ^ ' ' J ' J b 

30 minutes, height is 40 degrees, 30 minutes. 

liYie fourth, in the morning, as soonc as the day was light, 

wee saw that it was good riding farther up. So we sent our 

A very good boatc to souud, and found that it was a very good harbour, and 

harbour. *■ 

foure and five fathomes, two cables length from the shoare. 
Then we weighed and went in with our ship. Then our 
boate went on land^ Avith our net to fish, and caught ten great 
mullets, of a foote and a halfe long a pecce, and a ray as 

^ The south coast of Staten Island. 

^ It is impossible to make the observations of the 3rd fully agree with 
the real localities. Wheresoever we place the three rivers, some diffi- 
culties arise which cannot be explained away. Mr. Brodhead's opinion, 
"that two of the three rivers are unJoubtecU^ the Rariton and Narrows, 
the third i>rohahhj Rockaway Inlet," we can subscribe in neither of its 
parts. It is not even certain whether the place where Iludsou anchored 
under 40° 30', is to the east or west of Staten Island. 

' According to a generally received American tradition, Coney Island 
(near Long Island). This is quite possible. Only it seems singular that 
the insulated nature of this small spot should have been cither over- 
looked, or if perceived, not noted down as such, iu our circumstantial 

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 79 

great as foure men could hale into the ship. So wee trimmed 
our boate and rode still all day. At night the wind blew 
hard at the north-west, and our anchor came home, and wee 
drove on shoare, but tooke no hurt, thanked bee God, for 
the ground is soft sand and oze. This day the people of ^i"^ iHopie 
the countrey came aboord of us, seeming very srlad of our ":"y <■''"'« 
comraing, and brought greene tobacco, and gave us of it c'viiT^ 
for knives and beads. They goe in deere skins loose, well 
dressed. They have yellow copper. They desire cloathes, ^f]"^^^. 
and are very civill. They have great store of maize or In- 
dian wheate, whereof they make good bread. The countrey 
is full of great and tall oakes. Tail oakes. 

TX-ie Jifth, in the morning, as soone as the day was light, 
the wind ceased and the flood came. So we heaved off our 
ship againe into five fathoms water, and sent our boate to ^iie great 

^ ° ' bay in 40 

sound the bay, and we found that there was three fathoms ao^anutT'' 

hard by the souther shoare. Our men went on land^ there, 

and saw great store of men, women, and children, who gave 

them tabacco at their comming on land. So they went up 

into the woods, and saw great store of very goodly oakes 

and some currants. For one of them came aboord and ^u'lTOnts. 

brought some dryed, and gave me some, which were sweet 

and good. This day many of the people came aboard, some 

in mantles of feathers, and some in skinnes of divers sorts of ^r^i't'os of 

' feathers, 

good furres. Some women also came to us with hempe. '''"'S' hempe. 

They had red copper tabacco pipes, and other things of ^^a copper. 

copper they did weare about their neckes. At night they 

went on land againe, so wee rode very quiet, but durst not 

trust them. 

The sixth, in the morning, was faire weather, and our 

master sent John Colman, with foure other men in our boate, 

^ According to the American historians, " in Monmouth County, New- 
Jersey," that is to say, either on the mainland or New Jersey, or some- 
where near Richmond, on Staten Island. We should not even presume 
on this vague assertion. There is no evidence to show that the landing 
place was not still further east, on or near Long Island. 


over to tlic north-side to sound the other river/ being fourc 
leagues from us. They found by the way shoakl water, two 
fathoms; but at the north of the river eighteen, and twen- 
tie fathoms, and very good riding for ships ; and a narrow 
river" to the westward, betweene two ilands. The lands, 
they told us, were as pleasant with grasse and flowers and 
goodly trees as ever they had seene, and very sweet smells 
came from them. So they went in two leagues and saw an 
open sea, and returned ; and as they came backe, they were 
set upon by two canoes, the one having twelve, the other 
fourteene men. The night came on, and it began to rayne, 
so that their match went out ; and they had one man slaine 
in the fight, which was an Englishman, named John Colman, 
with an arrow shot into his throat, and two more hurt. It 
grew so darke that they could not find the ship that night, 
but labored too and fro on their oares. They had so great 
a streame, that their grapnell would not hold them. 

The seventh, was faire, and by ten of the clocke they re- 
turned aboord the ship, and brought our dead man with 
them, whom we carried on land and buryed, and named 
the point after his name, Colmans Point.^ Then we hoysed 
in our boate, and raised her side with waste boords for de- 
fence of our men. So we rode still all night, having good 
regard to our watch. 

^ The Narrows % 

- The hills between Staten Island and Bergen Neck. JNIoulton, Hist. 
oj New York, i, p. 211. 

^ According to the Dutch maps and charts of the seventeenth cen- 
tury, Colman's Point (also called Godyn's Point and Sand or Sant Point), 
is identical with, or forms part of, Sandy Hook. No great amount of 
criticism is, however, displayed in those delineations ; and they cannot 
be considered as sufficient proofs that Colman really was buried on 
Sandy Hook. We have, on the contrary, every reason to believe that 
Hudson was, on the 7th of September, farther north than the above sup- 
positions would lead us to assume. Hudson's Colman s Point and the 
Cuhiuins Point or Punt of the early maps, arc therefore probably not 

0U3 savagi. 

THIRD VOYAGE (l()09j. 81 

The eight, was very faire weather, wee rode still very 
quietly. The people came aboord us, and brought tabacco 
and Indian wheat to exchange for knives and bcades, and 
offered us no violence. So we fitting up our boate did marke 
them, to see if they would make any shew of the death of 
our man ; which they did not. 

The ninth, faii'e weather. In the morning, two great 
canoes came aboord full of men ; the one with their bowes 
and arrowes, and the other in shew of buvina: of knives to '^ 
betray us ; but we perceived their intent. Wee tooke two 
of them to have kept them, and put red coates on them, and 
would not suffer the other to come neere us. So they went 
on land, and two other came aboord in a canoe ; we tooke 
the one and let the other goe; but hee which wee had taken, 
got up and leapt over-boord. Then we weighed and went 
off into the channell of the river, and anchored there all 

The tenth, faire weather, we rode still till twelve of the 
clocke. Then we weighed and went over, and found it 
shoald all the middle of the river, for wee could finde 
but two fathoms and a halfe and three fathomes for the 
space of a league ; then wee came to three fathomes and 
foure fathomes, and so to seven fathomes, and anchored, 
and rode all night in soft ozie ground. The banke is • 

The eleventh was faire and very hot weather. At one of 
the clocke in the after-noone wee weighed and went into 
the river, the wind at south south-west, little winde. 
Our soundings were seven, sixe, five, sixe, seven, eight, 
nine, ten, twelve, thirteene, and fourteene fathomes. Then 
it shoalded againe, and came to five fathomes. Then wee 
anchored, and saw that it was a very good harbour for all ^'"?'^ 

' JO harbour. 

windes, and rode all night. The people of the country 

came aboord of us, making shew of love, and gave us teibacco 

^ East Sandbank, in the Narrows. Moulton, i, p. 211. 


and Indian wheat,* and departed for that night ; but we 
durst not trust thcni.- 

The twelfth, vcrj- faire and hot. In the after-noonc, at 

two of the clocke, wee weighed, the winde being variable 

bctweene the north and the north-west. So we turned into 

the river two leagues and anchored. This morning, at our 

28 cauoes first rodo in the river, there came eight and twentie canoes 

full uf men. _ ° 

full of men, women and children to betray us : but we saw 
their intent, and suffered none of them to come aboord of us. 
At twelve of the clocke they departed. They brought with 
Oysters and thcm ovstcrs and beanes, whereof wee bought some. They 
ropper have great tabacco pipes of yellow copper, and pots of earth 
to dresse their nieate in. It floweth south-east by south 

The tliirteentli, faire weather, the wind northerly. At 
seven of the clocke in the morning, as the floud came we 
weighed, and turned foure miles into the river. The tide 
being done wee anchored. Then there came foure canoes 
aboord : but we suffered none of them to come into our 
ship. They brought great store of very good oysters aboord, 
which we bought for trifles.^ In the night I set the varia- 
vaiiation tiou of the compassc, and found it to be 13 degrees. In the 

13 degrees. "■ , _ , ^ 

after noone we weighed, and turned in with the floud, two 

. leagues and a halfe further, and anchored all night; and had 

five fathoms soft ozie ground; and had an high point of land, 

^ According to Van der Donck maize had been first brought to these 
regions by the Spaniards. 

^ So says Juet. Hudson himself, in the few scraps of his original log- 
book preserved by De Laet, and also in the communications which Van 
Metercn seems to have received from him, always speaks most kindly of 
the North American Indians. He and his crew entirely disagreed with 
regard to the treatment due to the poor natives ; and his kindness was 
rewarded by friendship, their sullen mistrust by acts of hostility. The 
poor Indian has but too often been thus both ill-treated and ill-judged by 
prejudiced Euroiteans. 

^ According to the opinion of Moulton, Hist, of N. Y., i, p. 238, near 
the point where Manhattansville now stands. 

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 83 

which shewed out to us, beai-ing north by cast five leagues 
off us. 

'Yh.e fourteenth, in the morning, being very faire weather, 
the wind south-east, we sayled up the river twelve leagues, 
and had five fathoms, and five fathoms and a quarter lesse ; 
and came to a streight betweene two points,^ and had eight, 
nine, and ten fathoms ; and it trended north-east by north, 
one league : and wee had twelve, tliirteene, and fourteene 
fathomes. The river is a mile broad: there is very high '''I'f V^®""" 

•' O mile bruau. 

land on both sides. ^ Then we went uj) north-west, a league 
and an halfe deepe water. Then north-east by north, five 
miles ; then north-west by north, two leagues, and anchored. 
The land grew verv high and mountainous. The river is very hsah. 
full offish. t«'"°"s 


The JifteetitJi , in the morning, was misty, untill the sunne 
arose : then it cleered. So wee weighed with the wind at 
south, and ran up into the river twentie leagues, passing by 
high mountaines.^ Wee had a very good depth, as sixe, 
seven, eight, nine, ten, twelve, and thirteene fathomes, and 
great store of salmons in the river. This morning our two 
savages got out of a port and swam away. After wee were 
under sayle, they called to us in scorne. At night we came 
to other mountaines, which lie from the rivers side. There 
wee found very loving people, and very old men: where very loving 


wee were well used. Our boat went to fish, and caught 
great store of very good fish. 

The sixteenth, faire and very hot weather. In the moru- 

^ Between Stony and Verplanck points, according to Moulton's com- 
putation {Hist of N. Y. i, p. 238). 

^ Near Peakskill. The land, as described by Juet, is high and moun- 
tainous on both sides. The hills rise in several places to more than a 
thousand feet, and the most elevated side is often near the water's 
edge. Hudson seems to have sailed on the 14th to the neighbourhood 
of West Point, at present the site of the celebrated military academy. 

^ Hudson now saw the highest of the mountains that border the river, 
the noble range of the Kaatshenge or Catskill Mountains, several peaks 
of which rise above 3000', the highest (the Round Top) to near 4000'. 


ing our boat went againc to fishing, but could catch but few, 
by reason their canoes had beenc there all night. This 
morning the people came aboord, and brought us cares 
^imi'L'Hnu °^ Indian come, and pompions, and tabacco : which wee 
tabacio. -bought fo^. triflcs. Wcc rodc still all day, and filled fresh 
water ; at night wee weighed and went two leagues higher, 
and had shoald water : so wee anchored till day.^ 

The secenteenth, faire sun-shining weather, and very hot. 
In the morning, as soone as the sun was up, we set sayle, 
shonids and qj^j y-^xi up sixc Icagucs higher, and found shoalds in the 
iiands. middle of the channell, and small Hands, but seven fathoms 
water on both sides. Toward night we borrowed so neere 
the shoare, that we grounded : so we layed out our small 
anchor, and heaved off againe. Then we borrowed on the 
banke in the channell, and came aground againe ; while the 
floud ran we heaved off againe, and anchored all night. ^ 

The eighteenth, in the morning, was faire weather, and 
we rode still. In the after-noone our masters mate went on 
land with an old savage, a governor of the countrey ; M'ho car- 
ried him to his house, and made him good cheere. 'Y\ienific- 
teenth was faire and hot weather : at the floud, being neere 
Orarc^ani clcvcn of the clocke, Avee weisfhed, and ran hioher up two 

pumi.i us. ' O ' O r 

Beavers and Icagucs abovc tlic slioalds, and had no lesse water then five 

oilers skius. 

fathoms ; Avee anchored, and rode in eight fathomes. The 

^ According to Moulton, Hist, of N. Y., i, 244, near the shoal or marsh 
iu the river, between Athens, and directly opposite that and the city 
that now bears the name of Hudson ; according to Brodhead, between 
Schadak and Castleton ; a place situated, according to Haskell and 
Smith's Gazetteer, in Rensselaer county, New York, 8 S. bj' E. Albany, 
3G2 W., on the eastern bank of Hudson river. These American histo- 
rians are, better than we, able to compare Juet's account with the real 
features of the country, and it is impossible for us to decide between 
them where they disagree. 

" All this happened undoubtedly at the distance of a few miles from 
the spot where Albany now stands. The American authors disagree as 
to the exact locality, and the mutter is both beyond our cognizance and 
(if but small interest to us Europeans. 

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 85 

people of the countrie came flocking aboord, and brought 
US grapes and ponipions, which wee bought for trifles. 
And many brought us bevers skinnes and otters skinnes, 
which wee bought for bcades, knives, and hatchets. So we 
rode there all night. ^ 

• The ticentieth, in the morning, was faire weather. Our 
masters mate with foure men more went up with our boat to 
sound the river, and found two leagues above us but two 
fathomes water, and the channell very narrow ; and above 
that place, seven or eight fathomes. Toward night they re- 
turned : and we rode still all night. The one and twentieth 
was faire weather, and the wind all southerly : we deter- 
mined yet once more to go farther up into the river, to trie 
what depth and breadth it did bcare ; but much people 
resorted aboord, so wee went not this day. Oar carpenter 
went on land, and made a fore-yard. And our master and 
his mate determined to trie some of the chiefe men of the 
countrey, whether they had any treacheric in them.^ So 
they tooke them downe into the cabbin, and gave them so 
much wine and aqua mice, that they were all merrie : and 
one of them had his wife with them, which sate so modestly, 
as any of our countrey women would doe in a strange place. 
In the ende one of them was drunke, which had beene 

^ It would undoubtedly be of interest to ascertain the exact locality 
of this point, the highest reached by Hudson's ships. The American 
historians have spared no pains to arrive at a satisfactory result. But 
the data on which their discussions rest do not warrant any positive 
conclusion. The most exact statement, that of Van Meteren, gives 42° 40' 
as the latitude reached ; it forms, however, part of a mere summary, 
in which the latitudes are but approximatively exact. For us Euro- 
peans it is quite sufficient to know that the Half Moon reached either 
the very spot where Albany now stands, or its immediate neighbour- 
hood. The latitude of Albany is, according to Haskell and Smith's 
Gazetteer, 42° 39' 3" N. 

^ "The prejudices," says Moulton, "which they imbibed in Europe, 
or on their coasting voyage, against a people whom the Europeans de- 
nominated savages, had given a tone of suspicion to their intercourse." 
See also note 2, p. 82. 


aboord of our ship all the time that we had bcene there : 
and that was strange to them ; for they could not tell how 
to take it.^ The canoes and folke went all on shoare : but 
some of them came againc, and brought stropes of beades r 
some had sixe, seven, eight, nine, ten ; and gave him. So 
he slept all night quietly. 

The tioo and tioentieth was faire weather : in the morning 
our masters mate and foure more of the companie went up 
with our boat to sound the river higher up. The people of 
the countrey came not aboord till noone : but when they 
came, and saw the savages well, they were glad. So at three 
of the clocke in the afternoone they came aboord, and 
brought tabacco, and more beades, and gave them to our 
Oration. master, and made an oration, and shewed him all the coun- 
trey round about. Then they sent one of their companie on 
land, who presently returned, and brought a great platter 
full of venison dressed by themselves ; and they caused him 
to eate with them : then they made him reverence and de- 
parted, all save the old man that lay aboord. Tliis night, at 
ten of the clocke, our boat returned in a showre of raine 
rivei's°*^ '^"^ from sounding of the river ; and found it to bee at an end 
nelsl* '^ for shipping to goe in. For they had beene up eight or 
nine leagues, and found but seven foot water, and uncon- 
stant soundings.^ 

^ A tradition connected with this scene of drunkenness seems to have 
subsisted at the end of the last century among the Delaware and ]Mo- 
hican Indians. We reprint as part of the present collection the observa- 
tions of the Rev. John Ilerkewelder, where this fact is noted down. 

^ These beads were made of some sort of shells, and strung. The 
strings served both as a rude sort of jewelry and as money. They were 
called wampum. The early travellers in these regions make frequent 
mention of them. We refer the reader to the extracts from Van der 
Donck's descrijition of New Nethcrland, which forms part of the present 

•' We refer the American reader to the interesting observations on 
this passage, in Moulton, i, pp. 25i) to 2()(). To Europeans, who are un- 
acquainted with the localities themselves, these observations are of less 
interest. Mr. Brodhead thinks that Hudson's boat reached the place 

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 87 

The three and twentieth, faire weather. At twelve of the 
clocke wee weighed, and went downe two leasrucs to a I'lipy re- 
shoald that had two channels, one on the one side, and another ''"-' ''^'^'"• 
on the other, and had little wind, whereby the tyde layed 
us upon it. So there wee sate on ground the space of an 
houre till the floud came. Then wee had a little gale of 
Avind at the west. So wee got our ship into deepe water, 
and rode all night very Avell. 

The foure and t^centieth was faire weather : the winde at 
the north-west, wee weighed, and went downe the river 
seven or eight leagues ; and at halfe ebbe wee came on 
ground on a banke of oze in the middle of the river, and 
sate there till the floud. Then wee went on land, and ga- 
thered ffood store of chest-nuts.^ At ten of the clocke yvce^l°^^°\ 

" chestuuta. 

came oflf into deepe water, and anchored. 

The^'ye a7id iioentieth was faire weather, and the wind at 
south a stifFe gale. We rode still, and went on land- to 
walke on the west side of the river, and found good ground 
for come and other earden herbs, with great store of sroodly okes.wai- 

O JO n J ,im trees, 

oakes, and walnut-trees, and chest-nut trees, ewe trees, and t'e'efg^e'^ve 
trees of sweet wood in great abundance, and great store of [reesietc." 
slate for houses, and other good stones. 

The sixe and tiventieth was faire weather, and the wind 
at south a stiife gale ; wee rode still. In the morning our 
carpenter went on land, with our masters mate and foure 
more of our companie, to cut wood. This morning, two 
canoes came up the river from the place where we first 
found loving people, and in one of them was the old man 
that had lyen aboord of us at the other place. He brought 
another old man with him, which brought more stropes of 

where the town of Waterford now stands (Brodhead, Hist, of New York, 
i,p. 32). 

^ According to the computation of Moulton (i, p. 267), near the spot 
where the town of Hudson now stands. 

^ At or near Catskill Landing, three miles from Hudson, and about 
forty from Albany. 


bcadcs and gave thorn to our master, and shewed him all the 
countrey there about as though it were at his command. So 
he made the two old men dine with him, and the old mans 
wife : for they brought two old women, and two young 
maidens of the age of sixteene or seventecne yeares with 
them, who behaved themselves very modestly. Our master 
gave one of the old men a knife, and they gave him and us 
tabacco. And at one of the clocke they departed downe the 
river, making signes that wee should come downe to them ; 
for wee were within two leagues of the place where they 

The seven and twentieth, in the morning, was faire wea- 
ther, but much wind at the north ; we weighed and set our 
fore top-sayle, and our ship would not flat, but ran on the 
ozie banke at half ebbe. AVee layed out anchor to heave her 
off, but could not. So wee sate from halfe ebbe to halfe 
floud : then wee set our fore-sayle and mayne top-sayle, and 
got downe sixe leagues. The old man came aboord, and 
would have had us anchor, and goe on land to eate with 
him : but the wind being faire, we would not yeeld to his 
request ; so hee left us, being very sorrowfull for our de- 
parture. At five of the clocke in the afternoone, the wind 
came to the south south-west. So wee made a boord or two, 
and anchored^ in foureteene fathomes water. Then our boat 
went on shoare to fish right against the ship. Our masters 
mate and boatswaine, and three more of the companie, went 
on land to fish, but could not finde a good place. They 
tooke foure or five and twentie mullets, breames, bases, and 
barbils ; and returned in an houre. We rode still all 

The ciglit and twentieth, being faire weather, as soone as 
the day was light, wee Aveighed at halfe ebbe, and turned 
downe two leagues belowe water ; for the streamc doth runuc 

^ In the vicinity of Red Hook (Moulton, 267), that is to say, fourteen 
miles from Catskill Lauding. 

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 89 

the last quarter ebbe : then we anchored till high water. ^ At 
three of the clocke in the after-noone we w^eighed, and 
turned downe three leagues, untill it was darke : then wee 

The nine and twentieth was drie close weather ; the wind 
at south, and south and by west ; we weighed early in the 
morning, and turned downe three leagues by a lowe water, 
and anchored at the lower end of the long reach ; for it is 
sixe leagues long. Then there came certaine Indians in a 
canoe to us, but would not come aboord. After dinner 
there came the canoe with other men, whereoff three came 
aboord us. They brought Indian wheat, which we bought 
for trifles. At three of the clocke in the after-noone wee 
weighed, as soone as the ebbe came, and turned downe to 
the edge of the mountaines, or the northerniost of the moun- Moun- 


taines, and anchored : because the high land hath many 
points, and a narrow channcll, and hath manie eddie winds.^ 
So we rode quietly all night in seven fathoms water. 

The thirtieth was faire weather, and the wind at south- 
east, a stiife gale betweene the mountaynes. We rode still 
the afternoone. The people of the countrey came aboord 
US and brought some small skinnes with them, which we smaii skins. 
bousjht for knives and trifles. This is a very pleasant place -^ r'easant 

^ ./ X X place to 

to build a towne on. The road is very neere, and very good |'",vne''on. 
for all windes, save an east north-east wind. The moun- i-ikeiibood 

of niiuerals. 

taynes look as if some metall or minerall were in them. For 

^ Probably near the Esopus Island, twelve miles from Red Hook. 

2 Below Poughkeepsie (Moulton). Beacon Hill, in the neighbourhood 
of that place and opposite New Windsor, is 1685 feet high. This part 
of Hudson river is noted for its heavy winds. " The banks of Hudson 
river, especially on the west side, as far as the highlands extend, are 
chiefly rocky cliffs. The passage through the highlands, which is sixteen 
or eighteen miles, affords a wild romantic scene. In this narrow pass, on 
each side of which the mountains tower to a great height, the wind, if 
there be any, is collected and compressed, and blows continually as 
through a bellows. Vessels, in passing through it, are often obliged to 
lower their sails" (Thompson, Geogr. Diet, of America). 





the trees that grow on them were all blasted, and some of 
them barren, with few or no trees on them. The people 
brought a stone aboord like to an emery (a stone vised by 
glasicrs to cut glasse),^ it would cut iron or stcelc : yet being 
bruised small, and water put to it, it made a colour like 
blacke lead glistering : it is also good for painters colours. 
At three of the clocke they departed, and we rode still all 

'^Jih.c Jirst of October, faire weather, the wind variable be- 
tweene the west and the north. In the morning we weighed 
at seven of the clocke with the ebbe, and got downe below 
the mountaynes, which was seven leagues. Then it fell 
calme and the floud was come, and wee anchored at twelve 
of the clocke. The people of the moinitaynes came aboord 
us, wondring at our ship and weapons. We bought some 
small skinnes of them for trifles. This afternoone, one canoe 
kept hanging under our sterne with one man in it, which 
we could not keepe from thence, who got up by our rudder 
to the cabin window, and stole out my pillow, and two 
shirts, and two bandeleeres. Our masters mate shot at him, 
and strooke him on the brest, and killed him. Whereupon 
all the rest fled away, some in their canoes, and so leapt out 
of them into the water. We manned our boat, and got our 
things againe. Then one of them that swamme got hold of 
our boat, thinking to overthrow it. But our cooke tookc a 
sword, and cut ofl" one of his hands, and he was drowned. 
By this time the ebbe was come, and we weighed and got 
downe two leagues : by that time it was darke. So we 
anchored in foure fathomes water, and rode well. 

The second, faire weather. At break of day wee weighed, 
the wind being at north-west, and got downe seven leagues; 
then the floud Avas come strong, so we anchored. Then 
came one of the savages that swamme aM'ay from us at our 
going up the river with many other, thinking to betray us. 

1 Pyrilis I 

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 91 

But wee perceived their intent, and suffered none of them 

to enter our ship. Whereupon two canoes full of men, with i;\„f^"""^'^ 

their bowcs and arrowes shot at us after our sterne : in Inuc ^'^ 

recompence Avhereof we discharged sixe muskets, and killed 

two or three of them. Then above an hundred of them 

came to a point of land to shoot at us. There I shot a falcon 

at them, and killed two of them : whereupon the rest fled 

into the woods. Yet they manned ofi' another canoe with 

nine or ten men, which came to meet us. So I shot at it also 

a falcon, and shot it through, and killed one of them. Then 

our men with their muskets killed three or foure more of 

them.^ So they went their way ; within a while after wee 

got downe two leagues beyond that place, and anchored in 

a bay, cleere from all danger of them on the other side of 

the river, where we saw a very good piece of ground : and 

hard by it there was a cliffe, that looked of the colour of 

a white greene, as thouarh it were either copper or silver "^ "'^'""^ °^ 

a ^ ^ 1 i cojilier or 

myne : and I thinke it to be one of them, by the trees that ^''"^'' 
grow upon it. For they be all burned, and the other places 
are greene as grasse ; it is on that side of the river that is 
called Manna-hata." There we saw no people to trouble ^ 

The couu- 
rey of 

us : and rode quietly all night ; but had much wind and hat'u'.' 

^ Moulton (i, 271) thinks that this scene took place at the upper end 
of the island of JManhattan (on which New York now stands), near Fort 
Washington and Fort Lee, and that the next place mentioned (see 
note 2) was opposite Manhattan island. This assertion seems doubtful, 
as will be explained in the next note. 

^ Moulton (i, 272) places this site nesiv Hoboke7i, opposite New York. 
This opinion of the else so accurate historian is very improbable. Hud- 
son's words, " That side of the river which is called Manna-liatta''\ 
cannot possibly apply to anything but Manhattan island itself. All the 
early chroniclers, as well as the early maps and views, agree in giving 
to that island the Indian name which it still bears ; whilst the opposite 
shore, though, perhaps, also inhabited by the Manhattan tribe, is never 
called Manhattan. It had, on the contrary, an Indian name of its own, 
Ilopogkan, now corrupted into Ilohohen. Moulton, indeed, adduces no 
reason for his supposition. 


The third, was very stormie ; the wind at east north-east. 
In the morning, in a gust of wind and raine, our anchor 
came home, and we drove on ground, but it was ozie. Then 
as we were about to have out an anchor, the wind came to 
the north north-west, and drove us off againe. Then we 
shot an anchor, and let it fall in foure fathomes water, and 
Aveighed the other. Wee had much wind and raine, with 
thicke weather ; so we roade still all night. 

The fourth, was faire weather, and the wind at north 

north-west ; wee weighed and came out of the river, into 

which we had runne so farre.^ Within a while after, wee 

came out also of the great mouth of the great river, that 

The great runnctli UD to the north-wcst,~ borrowing upon the norther 

mouth of _ ^ _ _ •' o 1 

the great gj([g of the Same, thinking to have cleepe water : for wee had 

river. ' o i ' 

sounded a great way Avith our boat at our first going in, and 
found seven, six, and five fathomes. So we came out that 
Avay, but we were deceived, for we had but eight foot and 
an halfe water : and so three, five, three, and two fathomes 
and an halfe. And then three, foure, five, sixe, seven, 
eight, nine and ten fathomes. And by twelve of the clocke 
Theyieave wc Were clecrc of all the inlet. Then we took in our boat, 

the coasi of 

Virginia, and Set our mayne-sayle, and sprit-sayle, and our top-sayles, 
and steered away east south-east, and south-east by east off 
into the mayne sea : and the land on the souther side of the 
bay or inlet did beare at noone west and by south foure 
leagues from us. 

The Jifth was fciire weather, and the wind variable be- 
tweene the north and the east. Wee held on our course 
south-east by east. At noone I observed and found our 
height to bee 39 degrees, 30 minutes. Our compasse varied 
sixe degrees to the west. 

Wc continued our course toward England, without seeing 

^ Hudson river, from the source to New York V>Ay. 
- The mouLli of the Hudson trends to the north-west, where Raritou 
ri\cr falls into it. 


any land by the way, all the rest of this moncth of October : 
and on the secenth day of November, stilo novo, being Satur- 
day, by the grace of God we safely arrived in the range of 
Dartmouth, in Devonshire, in the yeere 1609. 



The seventeenth of Aprill, 1610, we brake ground, and April ir. 
went downe from Saint Katharines Poole,^ and fell downe to 
Blackewall ; and so plyed downe with the ships to Lee, 
which was the two and twentieth day. 

The two and twentieth, I caused Master Coleburne- to bee 
put into a pinke bound for London, with my letter to the 
Adventurars, importing the reason wherefore I so put him 
out of the ship, and so plyed forth. 

The second of May, the wind southerly, at eeven we were May. 
thwart of Flamborough Head. 

The /f/if, we were at the iles of Orkney, and here I set the xheiiesof 


north end of the needle, and the north of the flie all one. 

The sixt, wee were in the latitude of 59 degrees, 22 Note. 

^ Where St. Katharine's Dock now is ; near the Tower. 

^ According to Pricket the man's name was Colbert ; according to Fox 
(X. W. Fox, p. 70) it was Coolbrand. The occurrence took place near 
Sheppey island, in the road of Lee. Fox's curious notice about this 
Master Coolbrand is given in the present collection. 


minutes, and there perceived that the north end of Scotland, 
Orney, and Shetland' are not so northerly as is commonly 
set downc.- The eight day wee saw Farre Ilands,^ in the 
latitude of G2 degrees, 24 minutes. The eleventh day we 
fell with the easter part of Island, and then plying along the 

westmony. souther part of the land we came to Westmony,* being 
the ffteenth day, and still plyed about the mayne iland 
untill the last of May, with contrary winds, and we got 
some fowles of divers sorts. 

June. The first clay of June we put to sea out of an harbour, in 

the westermost part Island, and so plyed to the westward in 
the latitude of 66 degrees, 34 minutes, and the second day 
plyed and found ourselves in 65»degrees, 57 minutes, with 
little wind easterly. 

The third day wee found ourselves in Qih degrees, 30 
minutes, with winde at north-east ; a little before this we 
sayled neere some ice. 

Groneiand. 'W\c fouvth day wc saw Gronclaud''^ over the ice perfectly, 
and this night the sunnc went downe due north, and rose 
north-north east. So plying the fift day we were in 65 
degrees, still encombred with much ice, which hung upon 
the coast of Groneiand. 

Frobishera xhc ninth dav wcc wcrc off Frobishers Streights,^' with the 

Streights. •' o ' 

winde northerly, and plyed unto the south-westwards untill 
Xhe. fifteenth day. 

1l\\q fifteenth day we were in sight of the land, in latitude 

^ Orkney and Shetland. 

^ They are often laid down on old charts nearly a degree too high. 

^ The Faroer islands. 

■* The Westman or Westnianna islands, south of, and close to, Iceland. 
They belong to the province of Iceland. 

° That is to say, the northern part of Greenland. The southern part 
•was called Desolation. Frobishcr's strait, which Hudson's contempora- 
ries believed to be in Greenland, was thought to separate Gronland 
from Desolation. The origin of these notions is most curious. The reader 
will find them explained in the Introduction to the present volume. 

" Sec last note. 


59 degrees, 27 minutes/ which was called by Captayne John 

Davis Desolation, and found the errour of the former laying i^esoiation, 

downe of that land : and then running to the north-westward 

untill the twentieth day, wee found the ship in 60 degrees, 

42 minutes, and saw much ice, and many riplings or over- 

fals, and a strong streame setting from east south-east to ^^ c"'"'ent 

west north-west. '^^^'• 

The one and twentie, tivo and ticcntle, and three and 
tioentie dayes, with the winde variable, we plyed to the 
north-westward in sight of much ice, into the height of 
62 degrees, 29 minutes.- 

The foure and twentie and five and tiventie dayes, sayling East 

^ -^ •! ' J ^ entrance 

to the westward about midnight, wee saw land north, which "trei'ius. 
was suddenly lost againe. So wee ranne still to the west- 
ward in 62 degrees, 17 minutes.^ 

The fift of July wee plyed up upon the souther side, "^"'y- 
troubled Avith much ice in seeking the shoare untill the Jift 
day of July, and we observed that day in 59 degrees, 16 
minutes.^ Then we plyed off the shoare againe, untill the 
eight day, and then found the height of the pole in 60 de- 
grees, no minutes. Here we saw the land from the north- 
west by west, halfe northerly, unto the south-west by west, 
covered with snow, a champaigne land, and called it Desire pryfcfj-gti, 

We still plyed up to the westward, as the land and ice 
would suffer untill the eleventh day ; when fearing a storme, 
we anchored by three rockie ilands in uncertayne depth, 

^ This latitude, 59° 27', can, unfortunately, not be maintained. The 
most southern part, even of the islands about Cape Farewell, does not 
reach down farther than 59° 35'. The cape itself is, according to the 
best authorities, under 59° 45'. Hudson's mistake therefore extends to 
eight or nine minutes at least, and may be greater. 

^ Near Cape Elizabeth, coast of Labrador. 

^ In Hall's sound, south of Resolution island. 

* Near Ittimenaktok island, eastern shore of Ungava bay, and south- 
east of Akpatok island. 


"betweene two and nine fatliomes ; and found it an harbour 

unsufficient by reason of sunken rockes, one of which was 

next morning two fathomes above water. Wee called them 

lies of Gods the Isles of Gods Mercies.' The water floweth here better 


then foure f^ithomes. The floud commeth from the north, 
flowing eight the change day. The latitude in this place is 62 
degrees, 9 minutes. Then plying to the south-westward the 
sixteenth day, wee were in the latitude of 58 degrees, 50 
minutes,- but found our selves imbayed with land, and had 
much ice : and we plyed to the north-westward untill the 
nineteenth day, and then wee found by observation the 

Hold with height of the pole in 61 degrees, 24 minutes, and saw the 
land, which I named Hold with Hope.-^ Hence I plyed to 
the north-westward still, untill the one and txoentieth day, 

Amightie "with the wiud variable. Here I found the sea more growne 

growiie sea. 

then any wee had since wee left England. 

The three and twentieth day, by observation the height of 

the pole was 61 degrees, 33 minutes. The jite and ticen- 

Magna ticth dav WO saw the land, and named it Magna Britannia,'* 

Britauuia. •' ■- 

The size and twentieth day wee observed and found the lati- 
tude in 62 degrees, 44 minutes. The eight and twentieth 
day we were in the height of 63 degrees, 10 minutes,^ and 
plyed southerly of the west. The owe and thirtieth day, 
plying to the westward, at noonc wee found ourselves in 62 
degrees, 24 minutes. 

The^rs^ of August we had sight of the northerne shoare, 
from the north by east to the west by south off us : the north 
part twelve leagues, and the wester part twentie leagues from 
us : and we had no ground there at one hundred and cightie 
fathomes. And I thinke I saw land on the sunnc side, but 

^ Saddle Back, and the surrounding islands, to the south of Jack- 
man's sound, (62° 10' N.; 70" 25' W.) 

'^ Between Akpatok (59° 15') and Tessiujak (58° 50'), on the west 
shore of Ungava bay. 

=• Long island (Hudson's bay); GF 25' N.; 70° 20' W. 

" About 01° 25' N.; 70° 20' W. •"' To the of Charles island. 


could not make it perfectly, bearing east north-east. Here 
I found the latitude 62 degrees, 50 minutes.^ 

The second day we had sight of a faire headland on the 
norther shoare, six leagues off, which I called Salisburies fn'Ssijuiiea 

" -^ I' ore-laud. 

Fore-land :- wee ranne from them west south-west, fourtecne 
leagues : in the midway of which wee were suddenly come 
into a great and whurling sea, whether caused by meeting a great ana 


of two streames or an over-fall, I know not. Thence sayling sea. 
west and by south seven leagues farther, we were in the 
mouth of a streight and sounded, and no ground at oncAstreigut 

T I , ,. I , • 1 1 • 1 1 which led US 

nunclred latnomes : the streight being there not above two into the 

. , deepe bay 

leagues broad, in the passage in this wester part : which, of goJs 
from the caster part of Fretum Davis, is distant two hun- ^^'■"^^• 
dred and fiftie leagues thereabouts."^ 

The third day we put through the narrow passage, after 
our men had beene on land, which had well observed there, 
that the floud did come from the north, flowing by the 
shoare five fathomes. The head of this entrance on the south 
side I named Cape Worsenholme;* and the head on the north- cape wor- 
wester shoare I called Cape Digs.'' After wee had sailed with capeDigs. 
an easterly winde, west and by south ten leagues, the land 
fell away to the southward, and the other iles, and land left 
us to the westward. Then I observed and found the ship at 
noone in 61 degrees, 20 minutes, and a sea to the westward. 

^ The land they saw was Charles island, the most northern point of 
which is about 62° 47'. (Latitude 77° 20' W.) 

2 Salisbury island, 63° 40' N. ; 77° W. 

^ This calculation is not far wrong. The real distance, as the crow 
flies, is about one thousand English miles. 

■* Cape Wolstenholme of our present maps. The spelling of the name 
was not settled. That which now prevails is taken from Purchas, who 
follows it generally, though not always. 

^ Not the cape which bears this name at the present day, but a cape 
on a small island, one of the Diggs' islands group, opposite Cape Wolsten- 
holme, and only two leagues (about six sea miles or knots) from it. The 
present Cape Diggs owes its name, most probably, to a mistake. On the 
original chart of Hudson's Bay, the names are not very carefully put 
down near the places to which they belong ; thus early geographers were 
misled, and their successors have faithfully copied them. 13 




AVe began our voyage for the north-west passage, the seccn- 

tecnth of Aprill, 1610, Thwart of Shepey,' our master sent 

Master Colbert back to the owners with his letter. The 

next day we weighed from hence and stood for Harwich, 

and came thither the eight and twentieth of Apr ill. From 

Harwich we set sayle theirs/ q/Jfr/y, along the coast to the 

Orkney, north, till we came to the isles of Orkney, from thence to 

Island. ^*' the iles of Faro, and fiom thence to Island : on which we 

fell in a fogge, hearing the rut of the sea ashoare, but saw 

not the land whereupon our master came to an anchor. 

The south- Hccrc wc werc embayed in the south-east part of the land. 

east part 

of Island. Wcc Weighed and stood along the coast, on the west side 
towards the north : but one day being calme we fell a fish- 
ing, and caught good store of fish, as cod, and ling, and 
butte, with some other sorts that we knew not. The next 
day we had a good gale of wind at south-west, and raysed 

wostmouie the ilcs of Wcstmonie, where the king of Denmarke hath a 
fortresse, by which we passed to rayse the Snow Hill foot,- 
a mountayne so called on the north-west part of the land. 

Mount But in our course we saw that famous hill. Mount Hecla, 


castethout ^yhich cast out much fire, a si^nc of foule weather to come 

fire. ^ ^ 

in short time. Wee leave Island a stcrne of us, and met a 

A uiayne mayuc of icc, which did hang on the north part of Island, 

and stretched downe to the west, which when our master 

saw, he stood back for Island to find an harbour, which wc 

' Shcppey islam!, in the muutli of the Tiiames. 

"^ Sncefials-Jiikull, a luountaiu on the west coast of Icohiud, in Wost- 
hunl, ili.strict of Sucefieldness, -Ij.OOO' high. 


did on the north-west part, called Derefcr,*' where wee'ornim- 


killed good store of fowle. From hence we put to sea againe, 
but neither wind nor weather serving, our master stood 
backe for this harbour againe, but could not reach it, but 
fell with another to the south of that, called by our English- 
men Lousie Bay :^ where on the shoare we found an hot LousieBrtv. 
bath, and here all our Englishmen bathed themselves: the '^"''''"'''^''' 
water was so hot that it would scald a fowle. 

From hence, the -first of June, we put to sea for Grone- The first 

^ J J ' i: ^ of June. 

land, but to the west wee saw land as we thought, for which 
we beare the best part of a day, but it proved but a foggie 
banke. So wee gave it over and made for Gronland, which 
we raysed the fourth of June. Upon the coast thereof hung 
good store of ice, so that our master could not attayne to the 
shoare by any meanes. The land in this part is very moun- 
taynous, and full of round hils, like to sugar-loaves, covered 
with snow. AVe turned the land on the south side, as neere 
as the ice would suffer us. Our course for the most part 
was betweene the west and north-west, till we raysed the 
Desolations, which is a great Hand in the west part of {]g"^',j^jj^,i 
Groneland. On this coast we saw store of whales, and at whales! 
one time three of them came close by us, so as wee could 
hardly shunne them: then two passing very neere, and the 
third going under our ship, wee received no harme by them, 
praysed be God. 

From the Desolations our master made his way north- 
west, the wind being against him, who else would have gone 
more to the north : but in this course we saw the first great 
iland or mountayne of ice, whereof after we saw store. 
About the latter end of June^ we raysed land to the north of 

^ Dyre fiord, a gulf on the north-west coast of the northern peninsula 
of Iceland, 66= 42' N.; 24° 20' W. 

'■^ Breyde Fiord (mostly called Brede Bay on English maps), a large 
bay on the west coast of Iceland, where some hot springs rise from the 
bottom of the sea. (65° 20' N. ; 23° W.) 


US, which our master tooke to bee that iland which Master 
Davis setteth downe in his chart.* On the west side of his 
strcight, our master would have gone to the north of it, but 
the wind would not suffer him : so \\c fell to the south of it, 
into a great rippling or overfall of current, the which setteth 
to the west. Into the current we went, and made our way 
to the north of the west, till we met with ice which hung on 
this iland. Wherefore our master casting about, cleered 
himselfe of this ice, and stood to the south, and then to the 
west, through store of floting ice, and upon the ice store of 
scales. AVe gained a cleere sea, and continued our course 
till wee mcete ice ; first, with great ilands, and then with 
store of the smaller sort. Betweene them we made our 
course north-west, till we met with ice againe. But, in this 
our going betweene the ice, we saw one of the gri'at ilands of 
ice overt urne, which was a good warning to us, not to come 
nigh them nor within their reach. ^ Into the ice wee put 
ahead, as betweene two lands. The next day wee had a 
stormc, and the wind brought the ice so fast upon us, that 
in the end we were driven to put her into the chiefest of the 
ice, and there to let her lie. Some of our men this day fell 
sicke, I will not say it was for feare, although I saw small 
signe of other griefe. 

The storme ceasing, we stood out of the ice, where wee 
saw any cleere sea to go to : which was sometime more and 
sometime lesse. Our course was as the ice did lye, some- 
time to the north, then to the north-west, and then to the 
west and to the south-west : but still inclosed with ice. 

^ Resolution island. Two delineations taken from Davis's survey 
are still in existence. The one is on an engraved planisphere, in- 
serted into a copy of Ilakluyt, in the British Museum ; the other 
on the celebrated globe by Molyneux, quoted in Davis's summary 
account of his voyages, and still preserved in the library of the Middle 

- According to IJarrow, this overturning is caused by the melting and 
conscijuent splitting of the icebergs. 


Which when our master saw, he made his course to the 
south, thinking to cleere himselfe of the ice that way : but 
the more he strove the worse he Avas, and the more inclosed, 
till wee could goe no further. Here our master was in 
dcspaire, and (as he told me after) he thought he should 
never have got out of this ice, but there have perished. 
Therefore hee brought forth his card,^ and shewed all the 
com pan V, that hee was entered above an hundred leasfues Hudson 

i - ' ^ O ^ entered 100 

further then ever any English was : and left it to their jher"hen"^' 
choice, whether they would proceed any further ; yea, or been!""^ 
nay. Whereupon some were of one minde and some of ano- 
ther, some wishing themselves at home and some not caring 
where, so they were out of the ice : but there were some 
who then spake words, which were remembred a great while 

There was one who told the master, that if he had an Discontents, 
hundred pounds, hee would give foure-score and ten to be 
at home : but the carpenter made answere, that if hee had 
an hundred, hee would not give ten upon such condition, 
but would thinke it to be as good money as ever he had any, 

' There is an evident blunder in Pricket's rather vague recollections. 
The card here mentioned must have been based on Weymouth's explo- 
rations, which Hudson was made acquainted with by Peter Plancius, 
learning, as is expressly stated, that Weymouth entered 100 leagues into 
the strait. If Hudson had really said that he had proceeded 100 leagxies 
farther than any Englishman, he would be guilty either of an idle boast, 
or of a most enormous mistake. Desire Provokes (Akpatok), which he 
reached immediately after the mutiny, is no more than 60 leagues even 
from the north-eastern extremity of the strait (where he entered it). 
Several of his statements, beside the chart, prove that he had a very fair 
idea of the distances he had sailed. It is therefore impossible to suppose 
that he believed himself to be 200 leagues from the mouth of the strait, 
when he was really not more than 60. The following explanation may, 
perhaps, solve the difficulty. Hudson had, undoubtedly, not sailed 200 
leagues into the strait, when the mutiny took place. He had, however, 
most probably sailed 200 leagues within it, exploring, as he did, both 
the northern and southern shore, which are in some places more than 
4 degrees (80 leagues) distant from each other. The scene of the mutiny 
is in Ungava Bay, between the south-eastern shore and Akpatok island. 


and to bring it as well home, by the leave of God. After 
many words to no purpose, to workc we must on all hands, 
to get ourselves out and to cleerc our ship. After much 
labour and time spent, we gained roome to turne our ship 
in, and so by little and little, to get cleere in the sea a 
league or two off, our course being north and north-west. 
In the end we raysed land to the south-west, high land and 
Dosire covcrcd witli suow. Our master named this land. Desire 
Provokes.' Lying here, wee heard the noyse of a great over- 
fall of a tyde, that came out of the land : for now we might 
see well that wee had beene embayed before, and time had 
made us know, being so well acquainted with the ice, that 
when night, or foggie or foule weather tooke us, we would 
seek out the broadest iland of ice and there come to anchor. 
Exercises of and runue, and sport, and fill water that stood on the ice in 
nii.i profit ponds, both sweete and ffood. But after we had brou2:ht 

on the ice. ^ . ° ° 

this land to beare south of us, we had the tyde and the cur- 

Difference ^'^^t to opcu thc icc, as bciug carricd first one way and then 

bayes.^"''" auotlicr: bvit in bayes they lye as in a pond witliout moving. 

In this bay^ where wee were thus troubled with ice, wee 

saw many of those mountaynes of ice aground, in sixc or 

sevenscore fathome water. In this our course we saw a 

bcare ujion a piece of ice by itsclfe, to the which our men 

gave chase with their boat : but before they came nigh her, 

Jce about the tyde had carried thc ice and the beare on it, and joined it 

lUOl'ulliunu'. . . I'll 

with the other ice : so they lost their labour, and came 
aboord againe. 

^ Akpatok island. There is again some confusion in the course as 
given by Pricket. It lies too much west and not enough south. The posi- 
tive statement by Hudson, that he was in 59° IG' a few days before 
he reached Desire Provokes, in G0°, proves beyond all doubt that the 
scene of these explorations was Ungava Bay, and that Desire Provokes 
is Akpatok. This is also supported by Pricket's own statement (see 
note 2) that they had been embayed before thoy reached Desire Provokes. 

" Thc bay in which thoy had been embayed before they reached 
Desire Pruvokes (sec nine Hues higher up), that is to say, Ungava Bay. 


We continued our course to the north-west, and rayscd 
land to the north of our course, toward which we made, and 
comming nigh it, there hung on the eastermost point many 
Hands of floting ice, and a beare on one of them, which from 
one to another came towards us, till she was readie to come 
aboord. But when she saw us looke at her, she cast her 
head betweene her hinde legges, and then dived under the 
ice : and so from one piece to another, till she was out of 
our reach. We stood along by the land on the south side 
ahead of us ; wee met with ice that hung on a point of land 
that lay to the south, more then this that we came up by : 
which when our master saw, he stood in for the shoare. At 
the west end of this iland (for so it is) we found an har- 
bour, and came in (at a full sea) over a rocke, which had Adnnyerous 

^ V / 5 rocke. 

two fathome and an halfe on it, and was so much bare at a 
low water. But by the great mercie of God, we came to an 
anchor cleere of it : and close by it our master named them 
the lies of Gods Mercie. This is an harbour for need, but uesof coda 


there must be care had how they came in. Heere our master 
sent me, and others with me, to discover to the north and 
north-west : and in going from one place to another, we 
sprung a covey of partridges which were young : at the Partridges. 
which Thomas Woodhouse shot, but killed only the old 

This iland is a most barren place, having nothing on it but 
plashes of water and riven rockes, as it were subject to earth- 
quakes. To the north there is a great bay or sea^ (for I 
know not what it will prove), where I saw a great iland of 
ice aground, betweene the two lands which with the spring- 
tide was set afloat, and carried into this bay or sea to the 
north-westward, but came not backe againe, nor within 
sight. Heere wee tooke in some drift wood that we found Driftwood, 

From hence we stood to the south-west, to double the land 
^ Jackman's sound. 


to the west of us/ through much floting ice : in the ende wee 
found a cleere sea, and continued therein, till wee raysed 
land to the north-west. Then our master made his course 
more to the south then before, but it was not long ere we 
met with ice which lay ahead of us. Our master would have 
doubled this ice to the north, but could not ; and in the end 
put into it downe to the south-west through much ice, and 
then to the south, where we embayed againe. Our master 
strove to get the shoare, but could not, for the great store of 
ice that was on the coast. From out of this bay we stood to 
the north, and were soone out of the ice: then downe to the 
south-west, and so to the west, where we were enclosed (to 
our sight) with land and ice. For wee had land from the 
south to the north-west on one side, and from the east to the 
west on the other ; but the land that was to the north of us 
and lay by east and west, was but an ilaud. On we went 
till Ave could goe no further for ice : so we made our ship 
fast to the ice which the tyde brought upon us, but when 
the ebbe came, the ice did open, and made way ; so as in 
seven or eight houres we were cleere from the ice, till we 
came to weather ; but onely some of the great ilands, that 
were carried along with us to the north-west. 

Having a cleere sea, our master stood to the west along 
by the south shoare, and raysed three capes or head-lands 

Three capes, lying ouc aboYC another. The middlemost is an iland, and 
maketh a bay or harbour, Avhich (I take) will prove a good 

rrince ouc. Our uiastcr named them Prince Henries Cape or Fore- 


^''^po- land. When we had layd this we raised another, which was 
the extreme point of the land looking towards the north : 
upon it are two hills/ but one (above the rest) like an hay- 

^ The Upper Savage Islands, and the land around North Bay. (62'' 30' 
N. ; 70' W.) 

•■» North Bluff. (62° 36' N.; 71° 26' W.) 

'' A pretty accurate description of the southern sliorc of the strait, 
from Cape Hope (or Hope's Advance) to Deception Bay. 


cocke, which our master named King James his Cape.^ To King.rnmos 

his Ctipe. 

the north of this lie ccrtaine ilancls, which our master named 
Queene Annes Cape or Fore-Land.~ Wee followed the north (lueeu 
shoare still, iieyond the Kings Oape there is a sound or 
bay, that hath some Hands in it : and this is not to be for- 
gotten, if need be. Beyond this lyeth some broken land, 
close to the maync, but what it is I know not, because we 
passed by it in the night. 

Wee stood to the north to double this land, and after to 
the west againe, till wee fell with land that stretched from 
the mayne, like a shewer^ from the south to the north, and 
from the north to the west, and then downe to the south 
againe. Being short of this land a storme took us, the wind 
at west : we stood to the north and raised land, which when 
our master saw he stood to the south againe, for he was 
loath at any time that wee should see the north shoare. The 
storme continuing, and comming to the south shoare againe, Nntc 
our master found him.self shot to the west a great way, which 
made him muse, considering his leeward way. To the south- 
west of this land, on the mayne, there is an high hill, which 
our master named Mount Charles.* To the north and beyond Mnnnt 


this lieth an Hand, that to the east had a faire head, and 

1 Probably Cape Weggs. (G2' 25' N. ; 73° 40' W.) 

2 Evidently north-east of Charles's island ; about 63° 50' N.; 73° 40' W. 
This shore is very imperfectly known, at least according to the last 
Admiralty chart of the Arctic Sea (1853) ; and it would be hazardous to 
make any positive statement about this site. 

^ A skewer 1 The rather confused course, before and afterwards, till 
they reached Charles Island, allows us no satisfactory guess about the 
position of this s/iewer or skewer. Did they perhaps fall in with Charles 
Island, then sail to the north, then a little to the west, and then to the 
south, and thus again to Charles Island 1 The above description is in 
accordance with the real aspect of the northern shore of the island. 

* Charles's Island. According to Becherelle, " siiue a 30 ou 35 kilo- 
metres de la cote N. du Labrador, dans le detroit de Hudson, long, de 3(i 
kil. sur 40 ; lat. 68° 40' ; longit. 77° 20'." Hudson mistook it for part of 
the mainland. ^ 


beyond it to the west other broken land/ which niakcth a 
bay within, and a good road may be found there for ships. 
Cape Sals- Qyj. niastor named tbe first Cape Salsburie.^ 

bune. '■ 

When we had left this to the north-east, we fell into a 
rippling or overfall of a current, which at the first we tooke 
to bee a shoald : but the lead being cast, wee had no 
ground. On we passed, still in sight of the south shoarc, 
till we raised land lying from the mayne some two leagues. 
Our master tooke this to bee a part of the mayne of the 
north land ; but it is an iland, the north side stretching out 
to the west more then the south. This iland had a faire 
head to the east, and very high land, which our master 

Deepes named Decpes Cape :^ and the land on the south side, now 
fidling away to the south, makes another cape or headland. 

Worsen- whicli our master named Worsenhams Cape.* AVhen wee 

linms Cape. 

were nigh the North or Iland Cape, our master sent the boat 
ashoare, with my selfe (who had the charge) and the car- 
penter, and divers others, to discover to the west and north- 
west, and to the south-west ; but we had further to it then 
we thought, for the land is very high, and we were over- 
taken with a storme of rainc, thunder and lightning. But 
to it we came on the north-east side, and up we got from 
one rock to another, till we came to the highest of that part. 
Bccro. Here we found some plaine ground, and saw some deere ; 
as first, foure or five, and after, a dozen or sixteene in an 
herd, but could not come nigh them -with a musket shot. 

Thus, going from one place to another, wee saw to the 
west of us an high hill above all the rest, it being nigh us : 
but it proved further ofi^" then we made account ; for, when 

' Pricket's statement is obscure. Docs he mean that the brokon land 
here mentioned lies east or west of Salisbury Island I 

2 Salisbury Island, (J3° 40' N.; 7^" W. It is marked as an island (not 
as a cape) on the chart. That clears up one part of Pricket's confused 
sentence, the other part remains obscure. 

' /■''//,'A'i "ot Deepes. For the real locality, see above, p. !)7,note ;">. 

■' ('. VVolstenhclmc. 


wee came to it, the land was so steepe on the cast and north- 
east parts that wee couki not get unto it. To the south- 
west we saw that Avee might, and towards that ^lart wee went 
along by the side of a great pond of water, which lieth 
under the east side of this hill : and there runneth out of it 
a streame of water as much as would drive an over-shot 
mill; which falleth downe from an high clifFe into the sea 
on the south side. In this place great store of fowle breed, 5'T"'i 

I O ' tuule aim 

and there is the best grasse that I had scene since we came s'''"'''"- 
from England. Here wee found sorell, and that which wee g",','®" ""'' 
call scurvy-grass in great abundance. Passing along wee ^"'^'*''" 
saw some round hills of stone, like to grasse cockes, which 
at the first I tooke to be the worke of some Christian. Wee 
passed by them, till we came to the south side of the hill ; 
we went unto them and there found more ; and being nigh 
them I turned off the uppermost stone, and found them 
hollow within and full of fowles hanged by their neckes. ^°i7gej. 
Then Greene and I went to fetch the boat to the south- 

side, while Robert Billet^ and hee got downe a valley to the 
sea side, where wee tooke them in. 

Our mas (in this time) came in betweene the two lands, 
and shot off some peeces to call us aboord ; for it Avas a 
fogge. Wee came aboord and told him what we had scene, 
and perswaded him to stay a day or two in this place, telling 
him what refreshing might there bee had : but by no meanes 
would he stay, who was not pleased with the motion. So 
we left the fowle, and lost our way downe to the south-west, 
before they went in sight of the land which now beares to 
the east from us, being the same mayne land that wee had 
all this while followed. Now we had lost the sight of it, 
because it falleth away to the east after some five and twenty 

' Robert Bylot (thus his name is written by Fox and Purchas), was 
perhaps the most active northern navigator after Hudson had perished. 
He was also, as we shall see, made captain of Hudson's ship, after Green's 
death, and brought her safely home. 


or thirty leagues/ Now we came to the shallow water, 
Avhercwith wee were not acquainted since we came from 
Island ; now we came into broken ground and rockes, 
through which wc passed downe to the south. In this our 
course we had a storme, and the water did shoald apace. 
Our master came to an anchor in fifteene fathoms water. 

Wee weighed and stood to the south-east, because the land 
in this place did lie so. When we came to the point of the 
west land'-^ (for we now had land on both sides of us), we 
came to an anchor. Our master sent the boat ashoare to 
see what that land was, and whether there were any ^vay 
through. They soone returned, and shewed that beyond 
the point of land to the south there was a large sea. This 
land on the west side was a very narrow point. Wee weighed 
from hence and stood in for this sea betAveene the two lands, 
Avhich (in this place) is not two leagues broad downe to the 
south, for a great M'ay in sight of the east shoare. In the 
end we lost sight thereof, and saw it not till we came to the 
bottome of the bay, into sixc or seven fathomes water. 
Hence Ave stood up to the north by the west shoare, till Avee 
came to an iland in 53,^ Avhere we tooke in water and ballast. 

From hence wee passed tOAvards the north : but some two 
or three dayes after (reasoning concerning our coniming 
into this bay and going oiit) our master took occasion to 
revive old matters, and to displace Robert Juct from being 
his mate, and the boatswaine from his place, for the Avords 
spoken in the first great bay of ice. Then lice made Kobcrt 

' Somewhat to the north of the dccj) recess called JMosc^uito Bay, the 
eastern shore of James Bay begins to trend in a south-east direction. 

- Perhaps Charlton Island, in James's Bay, 52' 12' N., the eastern 
coast being the terra firma of Labrador. 

^ There are several small islands in that latitude. They have no 
names on the charts the editor has seen. 

•* This description corresponds very well Avith a recess in the south- 
east corner of James's Bay, which has no name on the charts I am 
ac(|uainted witli. There is an island, also without name, at its mouth. 


Billet Ills mate, and AVilliam Wilson our boatswaine. Up 
to the north wee stood till we raised land, then down to the 
south, and up to the north, then downc againe to the south: 
and on Michaelmasse day came in and went out of certaine Mieimei- 

masse day 

lands, which our master sets downe by the name of Michael- and bay. 
masse Bay,' because we came in and went out on that day. 
From hence wee stood to the north, and came into shoald 
water ; and the weather being thicke and foule, wee came to 
an anchor in seven or eight fathome water, and there lay 
eight dayes : in all which time wee could not get one houre 
to weigh our anchor. But the eight day, the wind begin- 
ning to cease, our master would have the anchor up, against 
the mind of all who knew what belonged thereunto. Well, 
to it we went, and when we had brought it to a peake, a sea 
tooke her, and cast us all off from the capstone and hurt 
divers of us. Here wee lost our anchor, and if the carpenter Anchor lost. 
had not beene, we had lost our cable too ; but he (fearing 
such a matter) was ready with his axe, and so cut it. 

From hence we stood to the south and to the south-west, 
through a cleere sea of divers sounding, and came to a sea seaoftwo 

^ . . colours. 

of two colours, one blacke and the other white, sixteene or 
seventeene fathome water, betvveene which we went foure 
or five leagues. But the night comming we tooke in our 
top-sayles, and stood afore the wind with our maine-sayle 
and fore-sayle, and came into five or sixe fathomes, and saw 
no land, for it was darke. Then we stood to the east and had 
deepe water againe, then to the south and south-Avest, and 
so came to our westermost bay of all,^ and came to an anchor 
neerest to the north shoare. Out went our boat to the land 
that was next us; when they came neere it our boat could 
not flote to the shoare it was so shallow : yet ashoare they 
got. Here our men saw the footing of a man and a ducke Footing of 
in the snowy rockes, and wood good store, whereof they 

^ Hannah Bay 1 

^ Probably North Bay, the south-west corner of James's Bay. 



tooke some and returned aboord. Being at anchor in this 
place, we saw a ledge of rockcs to the south of us, some 
league of length ; it lay north and south, covered at a full 
sea; for a strong tide setteth in here. At midnight wee 
weighed, and stood to go out as we came in ; and had not 
gone long, but the carpenter came and told the master, that 
if he kept that course he would be upon the rockes : the 
master conceived that he was past them, when presently wee 
ranne on them, and there stucke fast twelve houres ; but (by 
the mercy of God) we got off unhurt, though not unscarred. 

Wee stood up to the east and raysed three hills, lying 
north and south : we went to the furthermost, and left it to 
the north of us, and so into a bay, where we came to an 
anchor.^ Here our master sent out our boat, with myselfe 
and the carpenter to seeke a place to winter in ; and it was 
time, for the nights were long and cold, and the earth 
covered with snow. Having spent three moneths in a 
labyrinth without end, being now the last of October, we 
went downc to the east, to the bottome of the bay ; but re- 
turned without speeding of that we went for. The next day 
we went to the south and the south-west, and found a place, 
whereunto we brought our ship, and haled her aground : and 
this was the Jirst of November. By the tenth thereof we 
were frozen in : but now we were in, it behoved us to have 
care of what we had ; for that we were sure of, but what we 
had not was uncertainc. 

Wee were victualled for six moneths in good proportion, 
and of that which was good : if our master would have had 
more, he might have had it at home and in other places. 
Here we were now, and therefore it behoved us so to spend, 
that we might have (when time came) to bring us to the 
capes where the fowle bred,*^ for that was all the hope wee 

^ Probably the south-eastern corner of James' Bay. This bay cor- 
responds in almost every respect with the above description. 

■■' Capo Wostcnholmc and the opposite cape on one of the Diggs' 
J.shuuls (sec p. 107). 


had to bring us home. AVhcrcfore our master toolcc order, 
first for tlie spending of that Avee had, and then to increase 
it, by propounding a reward to them that killed either beast, 
fish, or fowle, as in his journall you have seene. About the 
middle of this moneth of Noccmhcr, dyed John Williams, '•^o^mW''-, 

' •> ' liams dyeth. 

our gunner : God pardon the masters uncharitable dealing 
Avith this man. Now for that I am come to speake of him, 
out of whose ashes (as it were) that unhappy deed grew 
which brought a scandall upon all that are returned home, 
and upon the action itselfc, the multitude (like the dog) run- 
ning after the stone, but not at the caster : therefore, uot to 
wrong the living nor slander the dead, I will (by the leave 
of God) deliver the truth as neere as I can. 

You shall understand that our master kept (in his house 
at London) a young man, named Henrie Greene, borne in Hemy 

•' '-' ' Greenes 

Kent, of worshipful! parents, but by his lend life and con- Ij-'t'lo"^,""" 
versation hee had lost the good will of all his frinds, and 
had spent all that hee had. This man our master would 
have to sea with him, because he could write well : our 
master gave him meate, and drinke, and lodging, and by 
meanes of one Master Venson, with much adoe got foure 
pounds of his mother to buy him clothes, wherewith Master 
Venson would not trust him : but saw it laid out himselfe. 
This Henrie Greene was not set downe in the owners booke, 
nor any wages made for him. Hee came first aboord at 
Gravesend, and at Harwich should have gone into the field, 
with one Wilkinson. At Island^ the surgeon and hee fell 
out in Dutch, and hee beat him a shoare'"' in English, which 
set all the company in a rage ; so that wee had much adoe 
to get the surgeon aboord. T told the master of it, but hee 
bade mee let it alone, for (said he) the surgeon had a tongue 
that would wrong the best friend hee had. But Tlobert 
Juet (the masters mate) would needs burne his finger in the 
embers, and told the carpenter a long tale (when hee was 
^ A Iceland. ^ A sore ? 


tlrunke) that our master had brought in Greene to cracke 
his credit that shouhl displease him : which words came to 
the masters cares, Avho when hee vmderstood it, would have 
gone backc to Island, when he was fortie leagues from 
thence, to have sent home his mate Robert Juet in a fisher- 
man. But, being otherAvise perswaded, all was well. So 
Henry Greene stood upright, and very inward with the 
master, and was a serviceable man every way for manhood : 
but for religion he would say, he was cleane paper whereon 
he might write what he would. Xow, M'hen our gunner was 
dead, and (as the order is in such cases) if the company 
stand in need of any thing that belonged to the man de- 
ceased, then is it brought to the mayne mast, and there sold 
to them that will give most for the same. This gunner had 
a gray cloth gowne, which Greene prayed the master to 
friend him so much as to let him have it, paying for it as 
another would give : the master saith hee should, and there- 
upon he answered some, that sought to have it, that Greene 
should have it, and none else, and so it rested. 
Greenes Now out of scasou and time the master calleth the car- 

penter to goe in hand with an house on shear e, which at the 
beginning our master would not heare, when it might have 
been done. The carpenter told him, that the snow and frost 
were such, as hee neither could nor would goe in hand with 
such worke. Which when our master heard, hee ferreted 
him out of his cabbin to strike him, calling him by many 
foule names, and threatning to hang him. The carpenter 
told him that hee knew what belonged to his place better 
than himselfe, and that hee Avas no house carpenter. So this 
passed, and the house was (after) made with much labour, but 
to no end. The next day after the master and the carpenter 
fell out, the carpenter tooke his peece' and Henry Greene 
with him, lor it was an order that none should goe out alone, 
but one with u pecee, and another with a pike. This did 

'His iivm. 



move the master so much the more against Henry Greene, 
that Robert Billot his mate must have the gownc, and had 
it delivered unto him ; which when Henry Greene saw, he 
challenged the masters promise : but the master did so raile 
on Greene, with so many words of disgrace, telling him, 
that all his friends would not trust him with twenty shillings, 
and therefore why should he. As for wages he had none, 
uor none should have, if he did not please him well. Yet 
the master had promised him to make his wages as good as 
any mans in the ship ; and to have him one of the princes 
guard when we came home. But you shall see how the 
devil out of this so wrought with Green, that he did the 
master what mischiefe hee could in seeking to discredit him, 
and to thrust him and many other honest men out of the ship 
in the end. To speake of all our trouble in this time of 
winter (which was so cold, as it lamed the most of our com- Their hard 


pany, and my selfe doe yet feele it) would bee too tedious. 

But I must not forget to shew how mercifully God dealt 
with us in this time ; for the space of three moneths wee had 
such store of fowle of one kinde (which were partridsres as store of 

^ J. o partridges. 

white as milke) that wee killed above an hundred dozen, 
besides others of sundry sorts : for all was fish that came to 
the net. The spring coming this fowle left us, yet they were 
with us all the extreame cold. Then in their places came other fowies 


divers sort of other fowle, as swanne, geese, duck, and teale, '° '■''^''' 

■^ ^ o ^ ' ^ seasous. 

but hard to come by. Our master hoped they would have 
bred in those broken grounds, but they doe not ; but came 
from the south, and flew to the north, further then we were 
this voyage ; yet if they be taken short with the wind at 
north, or north-west, or north-east, then they fall and stay 
till the winde serve them, and then flye to the north. Now 
in time these fowles are gone, and few or none to be 
scene. Then wee went into the woods, hilles, and valleycs, 
for all things that had any shew of substance in them, how 
vile soever : the mosse of the ground, then the which I take ^f'f "bie 

" ' diet. 


the powder of a post to bee much better, and the frogge (in 
his ingcndring time as loathsome as a toade) was not spared. 
But amongst the divers sorts of buds, it pleased God that 
Thomas Woodhousc brought home a budde of a tree full of 
a turpentine substance. Of this our surgeon made a dc- 

budde'""'''''' coction to drinke, and applyed the buddes hot to them that 
were troubled with ach in any part of their bodies ; and for 
my part I confcsse, I received great and present ease of my 

Asavnge. About this time, when the ice began to breahe out of the 
bayes, there came a savage to our ship, as it were to see and 
to bee scene, being the first that wc had scene in all this 
time : whom our master intreated well, and made much of 
him, promising unto himselfe great matters by his mcanes, 
and therefore would have all the knives and hatchets (which 
any man had) to his private use, but received none but from 
John King the carpenter, and my selfe. To this savage our 
master gave a knife, a looking-glasse, and buttons, who 
received them thankefully, and made signes that after hee 
had slcjit hee would come againe, W'hich hee did. When 
hee came hee brought with him a sled, which hee drew after 

Tmke. him, and upon it two deeres skinnes and two beaver skinnes. 
Hee had a scrip under his arme, out of which hee drew those 
things which the master had given him. Hee tookc the 
knife and laid it upon one of the beaver skinnes, and his 
glasses and buttons upon the other, and so gave them to the 
master, who received them ; and the savage tookc those 
things which the master had given him, and put them up 
into his scrip againe. Then the master shewed him an 
hatchet, for which hee would have given the master one of 

^ The decoction here mentioned was probably an antiscorbutic medi- 
cine. Pricket's description of the malady, though so extremely vague, 
seems to justify this opinion. The editor has been unable to ascertain 
what tree Pricket refers to, or whether it is still ai>plicd to medical 


his dcere skinnes, but our master would have them both, 
and so hee had, although not wilHngly. After many signes 
of people to the north and to the south, and that after so 
many sleepes he would come againe, he went his way, but 
never came more. 

Now the ice being out of the sounds, so that our boat 
might go from one place unto another, a company of men 
were appointed by the master to go a fishing with our net ; 
their names were as followeth : William Wilson, Henry 
Greene, Michael Perce, John Thomas, Andrew Motor, 
Bennet Mathewes, and Arnold Lodlo. These men, the first 
day they went, caught five hundred fish, as big as good 
herrings, and some troutes : which put us all in some hope 
to have our wants supplied, and our commons amended : but 
these were the most that ever they got in one day, for many 
dayes they got not a quarter so many. In this time of their 
fishing, Henry Green and William Wilson, with some others, 
plotted to take the net and the shallop, which the carpenter 
had now set up, and so to shift for themselves. But the shallop 
being readie, our master would goe in it himselfe to the south 
and south-west, to see if hee could meete with the people; for 
to that end was it set up, and (that way) wee might see the 
woods set on fire by them. So the master tooke the sayne and 
the shallop, and so much victuall as would serve for eight or 
nine dayes, and to the south hee w^ent. They that remained 
aboord were to take in water, wood, and ballast, and to have 
all things in a readinesse against hee came backe. But hee set 
no time of his returne, for he was perswaded, if he could 
meet with the people, he should have flesh of them, and that 
good store : but hee returned worse than hee went forth. 
For he could by no meanes meete with the people, although 
they were neere them, yet they would set the woods on fire 
in his sight. 

Being returned, hee fitted all things for his returne, and 
first, delivered all the bread out of the bread roome (which 



came to a pound a piece for every mans share) and delivered 
also a bill of rcturne, willing them to have that to shew, if it 
pleased God that they came home : and hee wept when hee 
gave it unto them. But to helpe us in this poore estate 
with some reliefe, the boate and sayne went to work on 
Friday morning, and stayed till Sunday noone : at which 
time they came aboord, and brought fourescore small fish, a 
poore reliefe for so many hungry bellies. Then we wayed 
and stood out of our wintering place, and came to an anchor 
without, in the mouth of the bay : from whence we wayed 
and came to an anchor without in the sea, where our bread 
being gone, that store of cheese we had was to stop a gap, 
whereof there were five, whereat the company grudged, 
because they made account of nine. But those that were left 
were equally divided by the master, although he had coun- 
sell to the contrarie : for there were some who having it, 
would make hast to bee rid thereof, becavise they could not 
governe it. I knew when Henrie Greene gave halfe his 
bread, which hee had for fourteene dayes, to one to keepe, 
and prayed him not to let him have any untill the next 
Munday : but before Wednesday at night hee never left till 
hee had it againe, having eaten up his first weekes bread 
before. So Wilson the boat-swaine hath eaten (in one day) 
his fortnights bread, and hath beene two or three dayes 
sicke for his labour. The cause that moved the master to 
deliver all the cheese, was because they M'ere not all of one 
goodncsse, and therefore they should see that they had no 
wrong done them : but every man should have alike the 
best and the worst together, which was three pounds and a 
halfe for seven dayes. 

The wind serving, wc weighed and stood to the north- 
west, and on IMunday at night (the eighteenth day of JuneY 

^ The vagueness of Pricket's geographical statements, which pre- 
cludes the satisfactory determination of the spot where Hudson wintered, 
makes it equally impossible to ascertain his course during the few days 


wee fell into the ice, and the next clay, the wind being at 
west, we lay there till Sunday in sight of land. Now being 
here, the master told Nicholas Simnies that there would be 
a breaking up of chests and a search for bread, and willed 
him, if hee had any, to bring it to him, which hee did, and 
delivered to the master thirty cakes in a bagge. This deed 
of the master (if it bee true) hath made me marvell what 
should bee the reason that hee did not stop the breach in 
the beginning, but let it grow to that height, as that it over- 
threw himselfe and many other honest men : but " there are 
many devices in the heart of man, hut the counsell of the 
Lord shall stand.'''' 

Being thus in the ice on Saturday, the one and tiven- 
tieth of June, at night, Wilson the boatswayne, and Henry wuson and 

•^ . . . Green, their 

Greene, came to mee lying (in my cabbin) lame, and told wicked- 
mee that they and the rest of their associates would shift 
the company, and turne the master and all the sicke men 
into the shallop, and let them shift for themselves. For there 
was not fourteen dales victuall left for all the company, at 
that poore allowance they were at, and that there they lay, 
the master not caring to goe one way or other : and that they 
had not eaten any thing these three dayes, and therefore were 
resolute, either to mend or end, and what they had begun 
they would goe through with it, or dye. When I heard this, 
I told them I marvelled to heare so much from them, con- 
sidering that they were married men, and had wives and 
children, and that for their sakes they should not commit so 
foule a thing in the sight of God and man as that would 
bee ; for why should they banish themselves from their 
native countrie ? Henry Greene bad me hold my peace, for 
he knew the worst, which was, to be hanged when hee came 

he spent in his ship after leaving his harbour of refuge. The scene of 
the important events narrated on the present and the next pages was at 
no great distance (N.W.) from the south-eastern corner of James Bay. 
It seems impossible to fix the locality with any greater degree of pre- 


home, and therefore of the two he would rather be hanged 
at home then starved abroad : and for the good will they 
bare me, they would have mee stay in the ship. I gave 
them thankes, and told them that I came into her, not to for- 
sake her, yet not to hurt my selfe and others by any such 
deed. Henry Greene told me then, that I must take my 
fortune in the shallop. If there be no remedy (said 1) the 
will of God bee done. 

Away went Henry Greene in a rage, swearing to cut his 
throat that went about to disturbe them, and left Wilson by 
me, with whom I had some talke, but to no good : for he 
was so perswaded, that there was no remedie now but to goe 
on while it was hot, least their partie should faile them, and 
the mischiefs they had intended to others should light on 
themselves. Henry Greene came againe, and demanded of 
him what I said. Wilson answered : He is in his old song, 
still patient. Then I spake to Henry Greene to stay three 
dayes, in which time I would so deale with the master that 
all should be well. So I dealt with him to forbeare but two 
dayes, nay twelve houres ; there is no way then (say they) 
but out of hand. Then I told them, that if they would stay 
till Munday, I would joyne with them to share all the vic- 
tuals in the ship, and would justify it when I came home ; 
but this would not serve their turnes. Wherefore I told 
them, it was some worse matter they had in hand then they 
made shew of, and that it was bloud and revenge hce sought, 
or else he would not at such a time of night undertake such 
a deed. Henry Greene (with that) taketh my bible which 
lay before me, and sware that hee would doe no man harmc, 
and what he did was for the good of the voyage, and for 
nothing else ; and that all the rest should do the like. The 
like did Wilson sweare. 
sec'wia"'^^' Henry Greene went his way, and presently came Juet, 
nmt who, because hee was an ancient man, I hoped to have found 
some reason in him ; but hee was worse than Henry Greene, 


for hee sware plainly that he would justifie this deed when 
he came home. After him came John Thomas and iVIichael 
Perce as birds of one feather ; but because they are not 
living, I will let them goe, as then I did. Then came INIoter 
and Bennet, of whom I demanded, if they were well advised 
what they had taken in hand. They answered, they were, 
and therefore came to take their oath. 

Now, because I am much condemned for this oath, as one 
of them that plotted with them, and that by an oath I should 
bind them together to perform what they had begun,! thought 
good heere to set downe to the viewe of all, how well their 
oath and deedes agreed : and thus it was : — " You shall oaiu 

" ahused. 

sweare truth to God, your prince and countrie : you shall 
doe nothing, but to the glory of God and the good of the 
action in hand, and harme to no man." This was the oath, 
without adding or diminishing. I looked for more of these 
companions (although these were too many) but there came 
no more. It was darke, and they in a readinesse to put this 
deed of darkness in execution. I called to Henry Greene 
and Wilson, and prayed them not to goe in hand with it in 
the darke, but to stay till the morning. Now, everie man 
(I hope) would goe to his rest, but wickednesse sleepeth 
not ; for Henry Greene keepeth the master company all 
night (and gave mee bread, which his cabbin-mate gave 
him) and others are as -watchfuU as he. Then I asked 
Henrie Greene, whom he would put out with the master ? 
he said, the carpenter John King, and the sicke men. I 
said, they should not doe well to part with the carpenter, 
what need soever they should have. Why the carpenter 
was in no more regard amongst them was, first, for that he 
and John King were condemned for wrong done in the 
victuall. But the chiefest cause Avas for that the master 
loved him and made him his mate, upon his return out 
of our wintering place, thereby displacing Robert Billet, 
whereat they did grudge, because hee could neither write 


nor read. And therefore (said they) the master and his 
ignorant mate would carry the ship whither the master 
pleased : the master forbidding any man to keepe account 
or reckoning, having taken from all men whatsoever served 
for that purpose. Well, I obtained of Henry Greene and 
Wilson that the carpenter should stay, by whose meancs I 
hoped (after they had satisfied themselves) that the master 
and the poore man might be taken into the ship againe. Or, 
I hoped, that some one or other would give some notice, 
either to the carpenter John King or the master ; for so it 
might have come to passe by some of them that were the 
most forward. 

Now, it shall not bee amisse to shew how wee were 
lodged, and to begin in the cooke roome ; there lay Bennet 
and the cooper lame ; without the cooke roome, on the 
steere-board side, lay Thomas Wydhouse^ sicke ; next to 
him lay Sydrack Funer lame ; then the surgeon, and John 
Hudson with him ; next to them lay Wilson the boatswaine, 
and then Arnold Lodlo next to him : in the gun-roome lay 
Bobert Juet and John Thomas ; on the larboord side lay 
Michael Bute and Adria Moore, who had never beene well 
since wee lost our anchor ; next to them lay Michael Perce 
and Andrew Meter. Next to them, without the gun-roome, 
lay John King, and with him Bobert Billet r next to them 
my selfe, and next to me Francis Clements. In the mid- 
ship, betweenc the capstone and the pumpes, lay Hcnrie 
Greene and Nicholas Simines. This night John King was 
late up, and they thought he had beene with the master, but 
he was with the carpenter, who lay on the poope, and coni- 
ming downe from him was met by his cabbin-mate, as it 
were by chance, and so they came to their cabbin together. 
It was not long ere it was day : then came Bennet for water 

' The " student of mathcniatics," whose "paper t'ounJ in his desk" 
foiiiis part of the present collection. 
■■' JJylut. 


for the kettle, hee rose and went into the hohl : when hec 
was in they shut the hatch on him (but who kept it clownc 
I know not), up upon the deck went Bennet. 

In the meane time Henrie Greene and another went to 
the carpenter, and held him with a talke till the master 
came out of his cabbin (which hee soone did) ; then came They bind 

tlio master 

John Thomas and Bennet before him, while \yilson bound 

his amies behind him. He asked them what they meant ? 

they told him he should know when he was in the shallop. 

Now Juet, while this was a doing, came to John King into 

the hold, who was provided for him, for he had got a sword 

of his own, and kept him at a bay, and might have killed him, 

but others came to helpe him : and so he came up to the 

master. The master called to the carpenter and told him 

that he was bound, but I heard no answere he made. Now 

Arnold Lodlo and Michael Bute rayled at them, and told 

them their knaverie would shew itselfe. Then was the 

shallop haled up to the ship side, and the poore, sicke, and 

lame men were called upon to get them out of their cabbins 

into the shallop. The master called to me, who came out 

of my cabbin as well as I could, to the hatch way to spcake 

with him : where, on my knees I besought them, for the 

love of God, to remember themselves, and to doe as they 

would be done unto. They bade me keepe myselfe well, 

and get me into my cabbin ; not suffering the master to 

speake with me. But when I came into my cabbin againe, 

hee called to me at the home which gave light into my 

cabbin, and told mee that Juet would overthrow us all ; nay 

(said I) it is that villaine Henrie Greene, and I spake it not 


Now was the carpenter at libertie, who asked them if they 

would bee hanged when they came home : and as for him- 

selfe, hee said, hee would not stay in the ship unlesse they The carpen- 
ter let gue. 

would force him : they bad him goe then, for they would 
not stay him. I will (said hec) so I may have my chest with 



mee, and all that is in it : they said hoc should, and presently 
they put it into the shallop. Then hee came downe to mee 
to take his leave of mee, who persuaded him to stay, which 
if he did, he might so worke that all should bee well : hee 
said, hee did not thinke but they would be glad to take 
them in again c. For he was so persuaded by the master, 
that there was not one in all the ship that could tell how to 
carry her home ; but (saith hee) if we must part (which wee 
will not willingly doe, for they wovild follow the ship) hee 
prayed mee, if wee came to the Capes^ before them, that I 
would leave some token that we had been there, necre to the 
place where the fowles bred, and hee would doe the like for 
us : and so (with teares) we parted. Now were the sicke 
men driven out of their cabbins into the shallop ; but John 
Thomas was Francis Clements friend, and Bennct was the 
Coopers, so as there were words betweene them and Henric 
Greene, one saying that they should goc. and the other 
swearing that they should not goe, but such as were in the 
shallop should returne. AVhcn Henrie Greene heard that, 
he was compelled to give place, and to put out Arnold 
Lodlo and Michael Bute, which with much adoe they did. 

In the meane time, there were some of them that plyed 
their worke as if the ship had been entred by force and they 
had free leave to pillage, breaking up chests and rifling all 
places. One of them came by me, who asked me, what they 
should doe. I answered, hee should make an end of what 
hee had begun ; for I saw him doe nothing but sharke up 
The names and dowuc. Nowc wcrc all the poorc men in the shallop, 

of the com- 

'!os','^r^ ti whose names are as followcth : Ilenrie Hudson, John Hud- 
''''"^""'" " son,2 Arnold Lodlo, Sidrack Fancr, Phillip Staffc, Thomas 

' Cape Worstcnholnic and Cape Diggs. 

^ Several works on arctic discovery assert that this John Hudson was 
the son of the great navigator. This is merely a conjecture, though not 
an luilikcly one. It rests upon the fact that John was a bo}' when he 
lost his life together with his supposed father. 


Wooclhouse or AVydhousc, Adam Moore, Hcnric King, 
Michael Bute. The carpenter got of thciu a peece, and 
powder, and shot, and some pikes, an iron pot, with some 
meale, and other things. They stood out of the ice, the 
shallop being fast to the sterne of the shippe, and so (when 
they were nigh out, for I cannot say they were cleane out) 
they cut her head fast from the sterne of our ship, then out 
with their top-sayles, and towards the east they stood in a 
cleere sea. In the end they tookc in their top-sayles, righted 
their helme, and lay under their fore-sayle till they had 
ransacked and searched all places in the ship. In the hold 
they found one of the vessels of meale whole, and the other 
halfe spent, for wee had but two ; wee found also two firkins 
of butter, some twentie-seven pieces of porke, halfe a bushcll 
of pease ; but in the masters cabbin we found two hundred 
of bisket cakes, a pecke of meale, of beere to the quantitie 
of a butt, one with another. Now it was said that the 
shallop was come within sight, they let fall the mainsayle, 
and out with their top-sayles, and fly as from an enemy. 

Then I prayed them yet to remember themselves ; but 
William Wilson (more than the rest) would heare of no such 
matter. Comming nigh the east shore they cast about, and 
stood to the west and came to an ilaud,^ and anchored in 
sixteene or seventeene fathome water. So they sent the 
boat and the net ashoare to see if they could have a draught ; 
but could not for rocks and great stones. Michael Perse 
killed two fowle, and heere they found good store of that 
weede which we called cockle-grasse in our wintering- 
place, whereof they gathered store, and came aboard againe. 
Heere we lay that night and the best part of the next day, 

1 Pricket's geographical statements about the return voyage are even 
vaguer than those about the voyage out. A few of them only serve 
as foundations for guesses at the real localities touched by the returning 
party. The statement to which the present note refers is not of that 
number; and it is absolutely impossible to guess what island is here 


i^ast sight in all whicli time we saw not the shallop, or ever after. 

ol the ^ 

Bhaiiop. Jvfow Hcnric Greene came to me and told mce, that it was 
the companies will tliat I should come up into the masters 
cabbin and take charge thereof. I told him it M'as more fit 
for Robert Juet : he said he should not come in it, nor 
meddle with the masters card or journals. So up I came, 
and Henrie Greene gave me the key of the masters chest, 
and told me then, that he had laid the masters best things 
together, which hee would use himselfe when time did serve: 
the bread was also delivered to me by tale. 

The wind serving, wee stood to the north-east, and this 
was Robert Billets course, contrarie to Robert Juet, who 
would have gone to the north-west. We had the eastcrne 
shoare still in sight, and (in the night) had a stout gale of 
wind, and stood afore it till wee met with ice, into the which 
we ranne from thinne to thicke, till we could goe no further 
for ice, which lay so thicke ahead of us (and the Avind brought 
it after us asterne) that wee could not stirre backward nor 
forward ; but so lay imbayed fourteene dales in worse ice 
then ever wee met to deale withall, for we had beene where 
there was greater store, but it was not so broad upon the 
water as this; for this floting ice contained miles and halfe 
miles in compasse, where we had a deepe sea, and a tide of 
flood and ebbe, Avhich set north-west and south-east. Heere 
Robert Juet would have gone to the north-west, but Robert 
Billet was confident to go through to the north-east, which 

iiandl ^^^ ^^^- ^^ ^^^^' being cleere of this ice, he continued his 
course in sight of the eastcrne shore till he rayscd foure 
islands, which lay north and south ; but we passed them 
sixe or seven leagues, the wind tooke us so short. Then 
wee stood backc to them againe, and came to an anchor 
bctweenc two of the most northernmost. AVe sent the boat 
ashoarc, to sec if there were any thing there to be had, but 
found nothing but cockle-grasse, M'hercof tlu^y gathered 
1 I'rubably not far from rortluiul roiiit, ,08° 50' N., 7!)" W. 


store, and so returned aboord. Before we came to tliis place, 
I might well see that I was kept in the ship against Ilcnry 
Greenes mindc, because I did not favour their proceedings 
better than I did. Then hee began (very subtilly) to drawe 
me to take upon me to search for those things which him- 
selfe had stolne : and accused me of a matter no lesse then 
treason amongst us, that I had deceived the company of 
thirtie cakes of bread. Noav they beg^an to talke amongst pe wicked 

•' <-' '^ flee where 

themselves, that England was no safe place for them, and "uetu!'"'" 
Henry Greene swore the shippe should not come into 
any place (but keepe the sea still) till he had the kings 
majesties hand and scale to shew for his safetie. They had 
many devices in their heads, but Henry Greene in the end 
was their captaine, and so called of them. 

From these ilands we stood to the north-east and the 
easter land still in sight : wee raysed those ilands, that our 
master called Rumnies Ilands.^ Betweene these ilands and 
the shallow ground, to the east of them, our master went 
downe into the first great bay.^ We kept the east shoare 
still in our sight, and comming thwart of the low land, wee 
ranne on a rocke that lay under water, and strooke but once ; 
for if shee had, we might have beene made inhabitants of 
that place ; but God sent us soone off without any harme 
that wee saw. Wee continued our course and raysed land 
a head of us, which stretched out to the north : which when 
they saw, they said plainly, that llobort Billet by his north- 
erly course had left the capes to the south, and that they 
were best to seeke downe to the south in time for reliefe 
before all was gone; for we had small store left. But Robert 
Billet would follow the land to the north, saying that he 
hoped in God to find somewhat to rclceve us that way as 

^ These islands are not marked on Hudson's chart ; they are, how- 
ever, certainly near the mouth of Mosquito Bay. Perhaps some of the 
islands near Cape Smith are meant. 

^ Mosquito liay. 


soone as to the south. I told them that this land was the mayne 
of Worsenhome Cajic, and that the shallow rockie ground 
was the same that the master went downe by when he went 
into the great bay. llobert Juet and all said it was not 
possible, unlesse the master had brought the ship over land, 
and willed them to looke into the masters card and their 
course how well they did agree. We stood to the east and 
left the mayne land to the north, by many small ilands into 
a narrow gut betweene two lands, and there came to an 
anchor.' The boat went ashoare on the north side, where 
we found the great home, but nothing else. The next day 
wee went to the south side, but found nothing there save 
cockle grasse, of which we gatliercd. This grassc was a 
great reliefe unto us, for without it we should hardly have got 
to the capes for want of victuall. The Avind serving we 
stood out, but before we could get cleane out the wind came 
to the west, so that wc were constrayned to anchor on the 
north side. 

The next day, wee weighed and doubled the point of the 
North Land, which is high land, and so continued to the 
capes, lying north and south, some five-and-twentie or thirtie 
leagues. To the north we stood to see store of those foulcs 
that breed in the Capes, and to kill some with our shot, and 
to fetch them with our boat. Wc raised the Capes with joy 
and bare for them, and came to the ilands that lie in the 
mouth of the strcight;^ but bearing in betweene the Rockie 

^ They were near the eastern coast of the bay, and, as appears from the 
statements on the next page, about twenty-five leagues (seventy-tive 
roots) south of Cape Worstenhohne. But they themselves had entirely 
lost their way. We see them groping about like children in a strange 
place, trying to find some locality the features of which they remember. 
The capes, that is to say Cape Worstenholme and Cape Diggs, were their 
great hope. Their anxiety to reach them was so great, that they actually 
were afraid they had passed them and were to the north of them, whilst 
in reality they were more than a degree to the south of these capes. 

'■^ The strait between Cape Worstenholme and Capo Diggs. The 
islaads are those of the Diggs' Islands group. 


lies, we ranne on a rocke that lay under water, and there a rocke. 
stucke fast eight or nine houres. It was ebbing water when 
we thus came on, so the floud set us afloat, God guiding 
both wind and sea, that it was calme and faire weather : the 
ebbe came from the east, and the floud from the west. When 
wee were afloat wee stood more neere to the east shore, and xoie. 
there anchored. 

The next day, being the seven and UventietJi of July, we J"iy2~- 
sent the boat to fetch some fowle, and the ship should way 
and stand as neere as they could, /or the wind was against 
us. They had a great way to row, and by that meanes they 
could not reach to the place where the fowle bred ; but 
found good store of gulls, yet hard to come by, on the rocks 
and cliffes ; but with their peeces they killed some thirtie, 
and towards night returned. Now wee had brought our 
ship more neere to the mouth of the streights,^ and there 
came to an anchor in eighteene or twentie fathom water, 
upon a riffe or shelfe of ground ; which after they had 
weighed their anchor, and stood more neere to the place 
where the fowle bred,^ they could not find it againe, nor no 
place like it : but were faine to turne to and fro in the 
mouth of the streight, and to be in danger of rockes, because 
they could not find ground to let fall an anchor in, the water 
was so deepe. 

The eight and twentieth day, the boat went to Digges his 
Cape for fowle, and made directly for the place where the 
fowle bred, and being neere, they saw seven boates come 
about the easterne point towards them. When the savages savages. 
saw our boate, they drew themselves together, and drew 
their lesser boats into their bigger : and when they had done, 
they came rowing to our boat, and made signes to the M'cst, 
but they made readie for all assayes. The savages came to 

^ The northern mouth of the strait. 

^ The reader will rememher, that on their first visit to Cape Diggs, 
they had found there an abundance of liirds and eggs. 



tlicm, and by signes grew familiar one with another, so as 
our men tooke one of theirs into our boate, and they tooke 
one of ours into their boate. Then they carried our man to 
a cove where their tents stood towards the west of the place, 
where the fowle bred : so they carried him into their tents, 
where he remayned till our men returned with theirs. Our 
boat went to the place where the fowle bred, and were 
desirous to know how the savages killed their fowle : he 
shewed them the manner how, Avhich was thus : they take 
a long pole with a snare^ at the end, which they put about 
the fowles necke, and so plucke them downe. When our 
men knew that they had a better way of their owne, they 
shewed him the use of our peeces, which at one shot would 
kill seven or eight. To be short, our boat returned to their 
cove for our man and to deliver theirs. When they came 
they made great joy, with dancing, and leaping, and stroking 
of their breasts : they offered divers things to our men, but 
they only tooke some morses teeth, which they gave them 
for a knife and two glasse buttons : and so receiving our 
man they came aboard, much rejoicing at this chance, as if 
they had met with the most simple and kind peof)le of the 

And Henry Greene (more then the rest) was so confident, 
that (by no meanes) we should take care to stand on our 
guard : God blinding him so, that where hee made reckon- 
ing to receive great matters from these people, he received 
more then he looked for, and that suddenly, by being made 
a good example for all men : that make no conscience of 
doing evill, and that we take heed of the savage people, 
how simple soever they secme to be. 

The next day, the nine and tivetttieth of July, they made 
haste to be ashoare,' and because the ship rid too farre off, 

^ A iioosc. This method of the Hudson's Bay Esciuimaux, of catchiug 
birds with a sort of hisso, has, the editor beUeves, not been mcutioned 
by any other voyager in these regions. 

" On Oape Diggs' Island. 


they weighed and stood as ncere to the place ■where the 
fowle hred as they could ; and l^ecause I was lame T was to 
go in the boat, to carry such things as I had in the cabbin, of 
every thing somewhat ; and so, with more haste then good 
speed (and not without swearing) away we went, Henry 
Greene, William Wilson, John Thomas, Michael Perse, 
Andrew Moter, and my selfe. When we came neere the 
shoare, the people were on the hils dancing and leaping : to 
the cove we came, where they had drawne up their boatcs : 
wee brought our boate to the east side of the cove, close to 
the rockes. Ashoare they went, and made fast the boat to a 
great stone on the shoare ; the people came, and every one 
had somewhat in his hand to barter ; but Henry Greene 
swore they should have nothing till he had venison, for they 
had so promised him by signes. 

Now when we came, they made signes to their dog^es savages 

'J o on dogges. 

(whereof there were many like mongrels, as bigge as 
hounds), and pointed to their mountaine and to the sunne, 
clapping their hands. Then Henry Greene, John Tliomas, 
and William Wilson stood hard by the boate head, Michael 
Perse and Andrew Moter were got up upon the rock a savages 

o 1 i. trechene. 

gathering of sorrell ; not one of them had any weapon about 
him, not so much as a sticke, save Henry Greene only, who 
had a piece of a pike in his hand : nor saw I any tldng that 
they had wherewith to hurt us. Henry Greene and William 
Wilson had looking-glasses, and Jewes trumps,' and bels, 
which they were shewing the people. The savages standing 
round about them, one of them came into the boats head to 
me to shew me a bottle : I made signes to him to get him 
ashoare, but he made as though he had not understood me, 
whereu2:)on I stood up and pointed him ashoare. In the 
meane-time another stole behind me to the sterne of the 
boat, and when I saw him ashoare that was in the head of 
the boat I sate downe againe, but suddenly I saw the legge 
^ .Jew's harps. 


and foote of a man by mcc. AVhcrcfore I cast up my head, 
and saw the savage with his knife in his hand, who strooke 
at my breast over my head : I cast up my right arme to save 
my brest, he wounded my arme, and strooke me into the 
bodie under my right pappe. He strooke a second blow, 
which I met with my left hand, and then he strooke me 
into the right thigh, and had like to have cut off my little 
finger of the left hand. Now I had got hold of the string 
of the knife, and had woond it about my left hand, he 
striving with both his hands to make an end of that he had 
begune : I found him but weake in the gripe (God enabling 
me), and getting hold of the sleeve of his left arme, so bare 
him from me. His left side lay bare to me, which when I 
saw, I put his sleeve off his left arme into my left hand, 
holding the string of the knife fast in the same hand ; and 
having got my right hand at liberty, I sought for somewhat 
wherewith to strike him (not remembring my dagger at my 
side), but looking downe I saw it, and therewith strooke 
him into the bodie and the throate. 

Whiles I was thus assaulted in the boat, our men were 
set upon on the shoare. John Thomas and A^'illiam Wilson 
had their bowels cut, and Michael Perse and Henry Greene, 
being mortally wounded, came tumbling into the boat to- 
gether. When Andrew Motor saw this medley, hee came 
running downe the rockes, and leaped into the sea, and so 
swamme to the boat, hanging on the sterne thereof, till 
Michael Perse took him in, who manfully made good the 
head of the boat against the savages, that pressed sore upon 
us. Now Michael Perse had got an hatchet, wherewith I 
saw him strike one of them, that he lay sprawling in the sea. 
Henry Greene crieth Coragio, and laycth about him with 
his truncheon. I cryed to them to cleere the boat, and 
Andrew Motor cryed to bee taken in. The savages bctooke 
them to their bowes and arroMCs, which they sent amongst 
us, wherewith Henry Greene was slaine outright, and 


Michael Perse received many wounds, and so did the rest. 
Michael Perse cleereth the boate, and puts it from the 
shoare, and helpeth Andrew Moter in ; but in turning of 
the boat I received a cruell wound in my backe with an 
arrow. Michael Perse and Andrew Motor rowed the boate 
away, which, when the savages saw, they ranne to their 
boats, and I feared they would have launched them to have 
followed us, but they did not, and our ship was in the 
middle of the channell and could not see us. 

Now, when they had rowed a good way from the shoare, 
Michael Perse fainted, and could row no more. Then was 
Andrew Moter driven to stand in the boat head, and waft 
to the ship, which at the first saw us not, and when they 
did they could not tell what to make of us, but in the end 
they stood for us, and so tooke us up. Henry Greene was 
throwne out of the boat into the sea, and the rest were had 
aboard, the savage being yet alive, yet Avithout sense. But 
they died all there that day, William Wilson swearinoj and kicked and 

•' "^ ' O wretched 

cursing in most fearefull manner. Michael Perse lived ^"etched 
two dayes after, and then died. Thus you have heard the "'^ '^ ^^^' 
tragicall end of Henry Greene and his mates, whom they 
called captaine, these foure being the only lustie men in all 
the ship. 

The poore number that was left were to ply our ship to 
and fro in the mouth of the streight,^ for there was no place 
to anchor in neere hand. Besides, they were to go in the 
boate to kill fowle to bring us home, which they did, al- 
though with danger to us all. For if the wind blew there 
was an high sea, and the eddies of the tydes would carrie 
the ship so neere the rockes as it feared our master, for so I 
will now call him. After they had killed some two hundred 
fowle, with great labour, on the south cape, wee stood to 

^ The strait between Cape Worstenholme and Cape Diggs, in the 
neighbourhood of which the scenes just related by Pricket took place. 
'^ Cape Diggs. 


the cast, but when wee were sixe or seven leagues from the 
capes, the wind came up at east. Then wee stood backe to 
the capes again, and killed an hundred fowle more. After 
tliis the wind came to the west, so wee were driven to goe 
away, and then our master stood (for the most) along by the 
north shoare, till he fell into broken ground about the 
Queen's Foreland,^ and there anchored. From thence wee 
went to God's Mercies, and from thence to E.ose Ilands,^ 
which lye in the mouth of our streight, not seeing the land 
till we were readie to runne our bosprite against the rockes 
in a fogge. But it cleered a little, and then we might see 
our selves inclosed wdth rockie ilands, and could find uo 
ground to anchor in. There our master lay a trie all night, 
and the next day, the fogge continuing, they sought for 
ground to anchor in, and found some in an hundred and 
odde fathomes of water. The next day we weighed and 
stood to the east, but before wee came heere we had put our- 
selves to hard allowance, as halfe a foule a day with the 
pottage, for yet we had some meale left and nothing else. 
Then they beganne to make triall of all whatsoever. "Wee 
Miseriopur- liatl flayed our fowle, for they will not i)ull, and Robert 
rest. Juet was the first that made use of the skins by burning of 

the feathers ; so they became a great dish of meate, and as 
for the garbidge, it Avas not thrown away. 

After we were cleere of these ilands, which lie out with 
two points, one to the south-east and the other to the north, 
making a bay to the sight as if there were no way through, 
Ave continued our course cast-south-cast and south and by 
cast, to raise the Desolations,^ from thence to shape our 

^ Queen's Cape, a headland of the northern shore of Hudson's Strait, 
to the north of Salisbury Islands. This locality is, though very vaguely, 
indicated on Hudson's chart, and is even now very inaccurately known, 
so that it is not easy to fix the exact locality of the (^ui'e)i'g Foreland 
of Pricket. 

' Apparently some of the islands near Cape Chidicy, perhaps Killinek 
and Kikkcrtorsoak. 

•' The south-east coast of Greenland. 


course for Ireland. Thus wee continued divers dayes ; but 
the wind comming against us made us to alter our course, 
and by the meanes of Robert Juet, who perswaded the com- 
pany that they should find great reliefe in Newfoundland if 
our countrymen were there, and if they were gone before 
we came yet should we find great store of bread and fish 
left ashore by them ; but how true, I give God thankes we 
did not trie. Yet we stood to the south-west and to the 
west almost to fiftie seven degrees, when (by the will of God) 
the Avinde came up at south-west. Then the master asked 
me if he should take the benefit of this wind, and shape his 
course for Ireland. I said it was best to goe where we knew 
corne grew, and not to seeke it Avhere it was cast away and 
not to be found. Towards Ireland now wee stood, with 
prosperous winds for many dayes together. Then was all 
our meale spent, and our fowle restie and dry ; but (being 
no remedie) we were content with the salt broth for dinner 
and the halfe fowle for supper. Now went our candles 
to vvracke, and Bennet, our cooke, made a messe of meate Poore diet. 
of the bones of the fowle, frying them with candle grease 
till they were crispe, and, with vineger put to them, made 
a good dish of meate. Our vineger was shared, and to every 
man a pound of candles delivered for a weeke, as a great 
daintie. Now Robert Juet (by his reckoning) saith wee 
were within sixtie or seventie leagues of Ireland, when wee 
had two hundred thither. And sure our course was so 
much the longer through our evill steeredge, for our men 
became so weake that they could not stand at the helme, 
but were faine to sit. 

Then Robert Juet dyed for meere want, and all our men jjo^;^^ 
were in despaire, and said wee were past Ireland, and our death. 
last fowle were in the steep tub. So our men cared not 
which end went forward, insomuch as our master was driven 
to looke to their labour as well as his owne ; for some of 
them would sit and see the fore saylc or mayne sayle flic up 



to the tops, the sheets being cither flowne or broken, and 
would not hclpe it themselves nor call to others for helpe, 
which much grieved the master. Now in this extremitie it 
pleased God to give us sight of land, not farre from the 
place our master said he would fall withall, which was the 
bay of Galloway,' and we fell to the west of the Derses,' and 
so stood along by the coast to the south-west. In the end there 
was a joyful cry, a sayle, a sayle, towards which they stood. 
Then they saw more, but to the neerest wee stood, and called 
A sayle of to him ; his bark was of Fowy,^ and was at anchor a fishing. 

Fowy. _ 

}]"'^ . He came to us, and brought us into Bere Haven.* Here we 

Haven in ' o 

stayed a few dayes, and delt with the Irish to supply our 
wants, but found no reliefe, for in this place there was 
neither bread, drinke, nor mony to be had amongst them. 
Wherefore they advised us to deale with our countrymen 
who were there a fishing, which we did, but found them so 
cold in kindnesse that they would doe nothing without pre- 
sent money, whereof we had none in the ship. In the end 
we procured one John Waymouth, master of the barque that 
brought us into this harbour, to furnish us with money, 
which hee did, and received our best cable and anchor in 
pawne for the same. With this money our master, with the 
help of John Waymouth, bought bread, beere, and bcefe. 

Now, as wee were beholding to Waymouth for his money, 
so were wee to one Captaine Taylor for making of our con- 
tracts with Waymouth, by whose meancs hee tookc a bill 
for our cable and anchor and for the men's wages, who 
would not go with us unless Waymouth would passe his 
word for the same : for they made show that they were not 
willing to goe Avith us for any wages. Whereupon Captaine 
Taylor swore he would presse them, and then, if they would 
not goe, hee would hang them. 

In conclusion, wee agreed for three pound ten shil- 

^ Galway. '■^ Dursey Island, near the south-west coast of Ireland, 

^ Fowcy, in Cornwall. ' Beer Haven, south-west coast of Ireland. 


lings a man to bring our ship to riimonth or Dartmonth, 
and to give the pilot five pound ; but if the winde did not 
serve, but that they were driven to put into Bristow, they 
were to have foure pound ten shillings a man, and the pilot 
sixe pound. Omitting therefore further circumstances, from 
Bere Haven wee came to Plimouth, and so to an anchor a''?*i^''"" 
before the castle ; and from Plimouth, with faire winde and '"°" 
weather without stop or stay, wee came to the Downes, from 
thence to Gravesend, where most of our men went a shoare, 
and from thence came on this side Erith, and there stopped : 
wdiere our master Robert Billet came aboord, and so had 
mee up to London with him, and so wee came to Sir Thomas 
Smiths together. 

Forasmuch as this report of Pricket may happely bee 
suspected by some, as not so friendly to Hudson, who re- 
turned with that companie which had so cruelly exposed 
Hudson and his, and therefore may seeme to lay heavier 
imputation, and rip up occasions further then they will 
beleeve, I have also added the report of Thomas Wydhouse, 
one of the exposed companie, who ascribeth those occasions 
of discord to Juet. I take not on mee to sentence, no not to 
examine ; I have presented the evidence just as I had it ; 
let the bench censure, hearing with both eares, that which 
with both eyes they may see in those and these notes ; to 
which I have first prefixed his letter to Master Samuel 

Master Macham, I heartily commend mee unto you, etc. 
I can write unto you no newes, though I have scene much, 
but such as every English fisherman haunting these coasts 
can report better then my selfe. 

Wee kept our Whitsunday in the north-east end of Island,i 
^ Iceland. 


and I thinke I never fared better in England then wee 
feasted there. They of the countrey are very poore, and 
live miserably, yet we found therein store of fresh fish and 
daintie fowle. I my selfe in an aftcrnoone killed so much 
iiiiiiders fowle as fcastcd all our company, beini^ three and twentie 

poore. _ . . 

persons, at one time, oncly with partridges, besides curlue, 
plover, mallard, teale, and goose. I have scene two hot 
bathes in Island, and have beene in one of them. AYee are 
resolved to trie the uttermost, and lye onely expecting a faire 
winde, and to refresh ourselves to avoid the ice, which now 
Thecauseof |g come off the west coasts, of which we have seene whole 

their stay at ' 

Island. islands, but God bee thanked, have not beene in danger of 
any. Thus I desire all your prayers for us. 
From Islandj this thirtieth of May, 1610. 



The teyith day of September, 1610, after dinner, our master 
called all the companie together, to heare and beare wit- 
nesse of the abuse of some of the companie (it having beene 
the request of Robert Juct) that the master should redresse 
some abuses and slanders, as hee called them, against this 
Juet : which thing after the master had examined and heard 
with equitie what hee could say for himselfe, there were 
proovcd so many and great abuses, and mutinous matters 
against the master, and action by Juet, tliat there Avas danger 
to have suffered them longer : and it was fit time to punish 
and cut off farther occasions of the like mutinies. 

It Avas proovcd to his face, first with Bennet Mathcw, our 


trumpet, upon our first sight of Island,' and he confcst, that 
hee supposed that in the action woukl bee manslaughter, 
and prove bloodie to some. 

Secondly, at our comming from Island, in hearing of the 
companie, hee did threaten to turne the head of the ship 
home from the action, which at that time was by our master 
wisely pacified, hoping of amendment. 

Thirdly, it was deposed by Philip StafFe, our carpenter, 
and Ladlie Arnold," to his face upon the holy bible, that hee 
pers waded them to keepe muskets charged, and swords 
readie in their cabbins, for they should be charged with shot 
ere the voyage were over. 

Fourthly, wee being pestered in the ice, hee had used 
words tending to mutinie, discouragement, and slander of 
the action, which easily took effect in those that were 
timourous ; and had not the master in time prevented, it 
might easily have overthrowne the voyage : and now lately 
being imbayed in a deepe bay, which the master had desire 
to see, for some reasons to himselfe knowne, his word tended 
altogether to put the companie into a fray of extremitie, by 
wintering in cold. Jesting at our masters hope to see Ban- 
tam by Candlemasse. 

For these and divers other base slanders against the master 
hee was deposed, and Robert Bylot, who had shewed himselfe 
honestly respecting the good of the action, was placed in his 
stead the masters mate. 

Also Francis Clement, the boatson, at this time was put 
from his office, and William Wilson, a man thought more 
fit, preferred to his place. This man had basely carryed 
himselfe to our master and to the action. 

Also Adrian Mooter was appointed boatsons mate, and a 

promise by the master, that from this day Juets wages should 

remaine to Bylot, and the boatsons overplus of wages should 

be equally divided betweene Wilson and one John King, 

^ Iceland. ^ Arnold Ludlow, or Lodlo. 



to the owners good liking, one of the quarter masters, who 
had very well carryed themselves to the furtherance of the 

Also the master promised, if the offenders yet behaved 
themselves henceforth honestly, hee would bee a meanes for 
their good, and that hee would forget injuries, with other 

These things thus premised touching Hudsons exposing, 
and God's just judgments on the exposers, as Pricket hath 
related (whom they reserved, as is thought, in hope by Sir 
Dudley Digges his master to procure their pardon at their 
returne), I thought good to adde that which I have fur- 
ther received from good intelligence, that the ship com- 
ming aground at Digges Island, in 63 degrees 44} minutes, 
a great flood came from the west and set them on floate : 
an argument of an open passage from the South Sea to that, 
and consequently to these seas. The weapons and arts 
which they saw, beyond those of other savages, are argu- 
ments hereof. Hee which assaulted Pricket in the boate, 
had a weapon broad and sharpe indented, of bright Steele 
(such as they use in Java), riveted into a handle of morse 

' The latitude assigned by Wj'dhouse to Diggs' Island is incorrect, 
at least as regards the Diggs' Island of Hudson, wliich is undoubtedly 
opposite to, and therefore nearly in the same latitude as Cape Worsten- 
holme (62° 25'). It is impossible to ascertain how the mistake arose. 
But it is curious to observe that this mistake, by which Cape Diggs is 
placed so much too far north, is of an opposite nature to that com- 
mitted by Hudson himself with regard to Cape Farewell, which he places 
several minutes too far south. Wydhouse's mistake has undoubtedly 
intlucnced the opinion of modern map makers, who invariably place 
Diggs' Island too far north-west, or rather give that name to an island 
to which it did not originally belong. 



FOL., LOND., 1626, 817. 


Henry Hudson, 1607, discovered further north toward the 
pole, then, perhaps, any before him. He found himselfe in 
80 degrees, 23 minutes, where they felt it hot, and dranke 
water to coole their thirst. They saw land (as they thought) 
to 82, and further on the shore they had snow, morses teeth, 
deeres homes, whale-bones, and footing of other beasts, 
with a streame of fresh water. The next yeere, 1608, he 
set forth on a discovery to the north-east, at which time 
they met, as both himselfe and Juet have testified, a mer- 
maid in the sea, scene by Thomas Hils and Robert Rainer. 
Another voyage he made, 1609, and coasted Newfoundland, 
and thence along to Cape Cod. His last and fatall voyage 
was 1610, which I mentioned in my former edition,' relating 
the same as Hesselius Gerardus had guided me, by his card 
and reports, who affirmeth that he followed the way which 
Captaine Winwood had before searched by Lumleys Inlet, 
in 61 degrees, so passing thorow the strait to 50, etc. But Hecom- 


having since met with better instructions, both by the helpe ^°^^ ""'• 

C '' J L anus ah. 

SOUS ab- 



of my painfull friend Master Hakluit (to whose labours ly'^l^l^ 
these of mine are so much indebted), and specially from rrrck"et, of 
him who was a speciall setter forth of the voyage, that ''^^°^*^®* 

^ Purchas Pilgrimage, fol., Lond., 1617, contains an account of Hud- 
son's voyages entirely founded on the 1612 edition of Hessel Gerrifcsz's 
Detectio freti. 

140 OF Hudson's discoveries and death. 

learned and industrious gentleman Sir Dudley Digges (how 
willingly could I here lose my selfe in a parenthesis of due 
praises ! to whom these studies have seemed to descend by 
inheritance in divers descents, improved by proper industry, 
employed to publike good both at home and in discoveries 
and plantations abroad, and for my particular ! but why 
should I use words, unequall pay to him, unequall stay to 
thee ?) from him, I say, so great a furtherer of the north- 
west discoverie, and of your discoverer the poore Pilgrim 
and his pilgrimage, having received full relations, I have 
beene bold with the reader to insert this voyage more 

Imilh"' ^^ ^^^ yeare 1610, Sir Tho. Smith, Sir Dudley Digges, 

and Master John Wostenholme, with other their friends, fur- 
nished out the said Henry Hudson, to try if, through any 
of those inlets which Davis saw but durst not enter, on the 
wcsterne side of Fretum Davis, any passage might be found 
to the other ocean called the South Sea. There barke was 
named the Discoverie. They passed by Island, and saw 
Mount Hecla cast out fire (a noted signe of foule weather 
towards ; others conceive themselves and deceive others 
with I know not what purgatorie fables hereof confuted by ciy- Arn^rin Jonas, an Islander, who reproveth this and many 
other dreames related by authors, saying, that from the 
yeere 1558 to 1592 it never cast forth any flames) they left 
the name to one harbour in Island, Lousy Bay : they had 
there a bath hot enough to scald a fowle. They raised Gron- 
land the fourth of June, and Desolation after that; whence 
they plyed north-Avest among Hands of ice, whereon they 
might runne and play, and filled sweet water out of ponds 
therein: some of them aground in sixc or seven score fadome 
water, and on divers of them bcarcs and patriches. They 

^ Extracts of Arngrim Jonas, an Islantlcr, his Chrymogaja or Ilistorie 
of Island, published anno Domini IIJOO. — Furc/ias Pilgrims, iii, p. Go4- 

OF hudsom's discovekies and death. 141 

gave names to certaine ilands, of Gods mercy, Prince Hen- 
ries Forland, K. James his Cape, Q. Annes Cape. One 
morning, in a fogge, they were carried by a set of the tide 
from N.E. into one of the inlets above mentioned, the depth 
whereof and plying forward of the ice made Hudson hope 
it would prove a through-fare. After he had sailed herein 
by his computation 300 leagues west, he came to a small 
strait of two leagues over, and very deepe water, through 
which he passed betweene two headlands, which he called, 
that on the south Cape Wostenholme, the other to the N.W. 
Digges Hand, in deg. 62, 44' minutes, into a spacious sea, 
wherein he sayled above a hundred leagues south, confi- 
dently proud that he had won the passage. 

But findinar at lenj^th by shole water that he was embayed, Hutisons 

!D o J J ' Wintering. 

he was much distracted therewith, and committed many 
errours, especially in resolving to winter in that desolate 
place, in such want of necessarie provision. The third of 
Nox)ember he moored his barke in a small cove, where they 
had all undoubtedly perished, but that it pleased God to 
send them several kinds of fowle : they killed of white 
patridges above a hundred and twentie dozen. These left 
them at the spring, and other succeeded in their place, 
swan, goose, teale, ducke, all easie to take ; besides the bless- 
ing of a tree, which in December blossomed, with leaves a strange 

" _ race. 

greene and yellow, of an aromaticall savour, and being 
boyled yeelded an oyly substance, which proved an excel- 
lent salve, and the decoction being drunke proved as whole- 
some a potion, whereby they were cured of the scorbute, 
sciaticas, crampes, convulsions, and other diseases, which the 
coldnesse of the climate bred in them. At the opening of 
the yeere also, there came to his ships side such abundance 
of fish of all sorts, that they might therewith have fraught 
themselves for their returne, if Hudson had not too despe 
lately pursued the voyage, neglecting this oportunitic of 
^ See note to page 138. 

142 OF Hudson's discoveries and death. 

storing themselves with fish, which hee committed to the 
care of certaine carelesse dissolute villaincs, which in his 
absence conspired against him ; in few dayes the fish all for- 
sooke them. Once a savage visited them, who for a knife, 
glasse, and beades given him, returned with bevers skins, 
deercs skins, and a sled. At Hudsons returne, they set sayle 
for England. But in a few dayes, their victuals being almost 
spent, and hee, out of his despaire, letting fall some words of 
setting some on shore, the former conspirators (the chiefe 
whereof was Hen. Greene, none of their allowed company. 
These were but taken in bv Hudson himselfe : and one Wilson) entred 

the worst, or •' 

thTcom-"*^ his cabin in the night, and forced him the master, together 
P'"'^'- with his Sonne John Hudson, Tho, Widowes,^ Arn. Ludlo, 

Sidrach Faner, Ad. Moore, Hen. King, Mic. Bute, to take 
shallop and seeke their fortune. But see what sinceritie can 
doe in the most desperate tryals. One Philip Staffe, an 
Ipswich man, who, according to his name, had beene a prin- 
ci2:)all stafFe and stay to the weaker and more enfeebled 
courages of his companions in the whole action, lighten- 
ing and unlightening their drooping darkened spirits, with 
sparkes from his owne resolution ; their best purveyor, with 
his peece on shore, and both a skilfull carpenter and lusty 
mariner on board ; when he could by no perswasions, sea- 
soned with tears, divert them from their divellish desisrnes, 
notwithstanding they entreated him to stay with them, yet 
chose rather to commit himselfe to Gods mercy in the for- 
lorne shallop, then with such villaines to accept of likelier 

A few dayes after, their victuals being spent, the ship 

came aground at Digges Hand, and so continued divers 

^^^^j houres, till a great floud (which they by this accident tookc 

'^'"'"/i'lrry ^^^t noticc of) camo from the westNvard and set them on 


arnuiVeiJi flotc. Upoii thc cliffcs of tliis Ishiud they found aboundance 
piiHSHKo III of fowles tame, whereof they tooke two or three hundred, 

tho South 

' Woodliousc, or Wydhousc, or Wytlowcs. 

OF Hudson's discoveries and death. 143 

and seeinar a s^reat lonar boat with forty or fifty sava";es upon ^'''^< ""'' "" 
the shore, they sent on land ; and for some of their toycs a,','i'art'|; 
had deeres skinnes well dressed, morse-teeth, and some few VJ/omi'^'^ 

111' r """'■" 

furres. One of our men went on land to their tents, one oi savages. 
them remaining for hostage, in which tents they lived by 
hoords, men, women, and children ; they are bigge boned, 
broad faced, flat nosed, and small footed, like the Tartars : 
their apparell of skinnes, but wrought all very handsomely, 
even gloves and shooes. The next morning Greene would 
needs goe on shore with some of hi^ chiefe companions, and 
that unarmed, notwithstanding some advised and intreated 
him the contrary. The savages entertained him with a cun- 
ning ambush, and at the first onset shot this mutinous ring- 
leader into the heart (where first those monsters of treache- 
rie and bloodie crueltie, now payed with the like, had beene 
conceivedj and Wilson, his brother in evil, had the like 
bloody inheritance, dying swearing and cursing : Perse, 
Thomas, and Motor dyed a few dayes after of their wounds. 
Every where can Divine Justicee find executioners. 

The boat, by Gods blessing, with some hurt men escaped legation of 
in this manner. One Abacucks Pricket, a servant of Sir part\.'"my 

T-viiT-v 1 1 • 11 I'l Pilgrimage, 

Dudley Digges, whom the mutiners had saved in hope to with others 

many for 

procure his master to worke their pardon, was left to keepe these parts. 

■*■ ■•■ ■'A such they 

the shallop, where he sate in a gowne, sicke and lame, at "^® *° "'''^''* 
the sterne : upon whom, at the instant of the ambush, the 
leader of all the savages leapt from a rocke, and with a 
strange kinde of weapon, indented, broad, and sharpe, of 
bright Steele, riveted into a handle of morse-tooth, gave him 
divers cruell wounds, before he could from under his gowne 
draw a small Scottish dagger, wherewith at one thrust into 
his side he killed this savage, and brought him off with the 
boat, and some of the hurt company that got to him by swim- 
ming. Being got aboord with a small weake and wounded 
company, they made from this island unto the northerne 
continent, where they saw a large opening of the sea north- 

144 OF Hudson's discoveries and dkatii. 

westward, and had a great floud, with such a large billow, 
as they say, is no where but in the ocean. From hence 
they made all possible haste homewards, passing the whole 
straits, and so home, without ever striking sayle or any other 
let, which might easily have made it impossible. For their 
best sustenance left them was sea-weeds fryed with candles 
ends, and the skins of the fowles they had eaten. Some of 
their men were starved, the rest all so weake, that onely one 
could lye along upon the helme and steere. By God's great 
goodnesse, the sixth of September 1611, they met with a 
fisherman of Foy, by whose meanes they came safe into 




(puRCiiAs, III, P. 464.) 

In the year 1008,^ the said fellowship set forth a ship called 
the Hope-well, whereof Henry Hudson was master, to dis- 
cover the pole ; where it appeareth by his journap that hee 
came to the height of, eighty-one degrees, where he gave 
names to certayue places upon the continent of Greenland 
formerly discovered, which continue to this day, namely. 
Whale Bay^ and Hakluyt's Headland ;■* and being hindred 
with ice, returned home, without any further use made of 
the country, and in ranging homewards he discovered an 

^ The real date of the voyage to Spitzbergen is 1007. That of IGOS 
was directed to Nova Zembla. 

^ The log-book of the first voyage, which forms pp. l-:i2of the present 
volume, is ascribed by Purchas partly to John Playse, partly to Hudson. 
According to a side-note on p. 12, Purchas thinks that the notes from 
the 11th of July down to the end seem to be due to Hudson. The log- 
book contains, however, no mention of Hakluyt's Headland nor of Hud- 
son's Tutches, both mentioned in the journal which Edge saw. The 
observation about the distance from Greenland to Spitzbergen, derived 
by Fotherby from the same journal, is likewise not to be met with in 
the log-book. 

* The naming of Whale Bay is not mentioned in the log-book. The 
bay is, however, spoken of as Whalers Bay on p. 20. A description is to 
be found on p. 14, from which it appears that the bay is near Collins' 
Cape, somewhere about the north-west extremity of Spitzbergen, not far 
from 80°. Hudson saw there many whales, and lost part of his line in 
fishing for one. That same whale nearly upset his ship. This occur- 
rence is alluded to on p. 20. 

■* Hakluyt's Headland appears on all the ancient maps of Spitzbergen; 


146 Hudson's first yoyagk. 

island lying in scventy-onc degrees, Avhich he named Hud- 
son's Tutches.' 


(PURCHAS, III, P. 730.) 

Having perused Hudson's journall, writ by his own hands, 
in that voyage wherein he had sight of certayne land, which 
he named Hold-with-Hope," I found that by his owne reckon- 
ing it should not be more than one hundred leagues from 
King James his Newland,^ and in latitude 72° 30'. 

for the first time on that of the arctic regions, of Jodocus Hondius, in- 
cluded in the present collection. Still it is impossible to fix the exact 
locality. The headland is very near Collins' Cape and Whales' Bay, but 
still farther north-west. Modern maps place it on the north-west extre- 
mity of Spitzbergen, on the mainland, or on some one of the neighbour- 
ing islands. 

1 A direct clue to this important discovery is not furnished by the 
logbook. It contains no detailed entry between the ship's departure 
from Bear Island (74° 30' N., 19° E.), and its arrival at the Faroer Islands 
in 62°. Still there can hardly be any doubt about the fact, that Hud- 
sol's Touches is identical with the Jan Mayen Island of our maps 
(71° 20' N., 19° W.) The number of European islands in latitude 71° 
is very small. Those to the north of Norway were too well known in 
Hudson's time to be mentioned as new discoveries, even had he touched 
one of them ; but they are many degrees too far east to fall into his track. 
Then only Jan Mayen remained. To touch it Hudson must have sailed 
rather more to the west than was necessary. His purpose in doing so is, 
however, explained by his observations on p. 20. (See the passage to 
which note 1 on that page refers.) 

^ According to the logbook (p. G) the latitude is 73°. 

'' Spitzbergen. The logbook contains no calculations, like the one indi- 
cated here, as forming part of Hudson's journal. 



FOL., HAGUE, 1614, FOL. 629. a. 

We have observed in our last book, that the Directors of 
the Dutch East India Company sent out in March last year, 
on purpose to seek a passage to China by northeast or north- 
west, an experienced English pilot, named Henry Hudson, 
in a vlie boat,i having a crew of eighteen or twenty hands, 
partly English, partly Dutch.' 

This Henry Hudson left the Texel the 6th of April,^ 
1609, and having doubled the Cape of Norway* the 5th of 

Wy hebben in t voorgaende Beech gheseyt dat de Oost-Indische 
Bewindthebbers in Hollandt, in Meerte lest uytghesonden hadden 
cm passagie by bet Noordt-oosten ofte Noordt-westen te soecken 
nae China, te weten een Kloeck Enghels Piloot Herry Hutson 
gbenoemt, met eenen Vlieboot ontrent achthlen ofte twinticli 
Mannen, Engelsclie ende Nederlanders op hebbende, wel besorcht. 
Desen Herry Hutson is uyt Texel uyt-ghevaren den sesten April 
1609. ende by dubbelde de Cabo van Norwegben den vij'fden Mey, 

^ Vlie boats were rather flat bottomed yachts, constructed for the 
difiicult navigation of the sandy entrance to the Zuyder Zee, between 
the islands of Vlieland and Texel, called the Vlie. These vessels and 
even their name were imitated by the English, who called them fly-boats, 
and by the French, who called them fliUes. (Compare Brodhead, Uist. 
of Neiv York, pp. 23, 24, note.) 

^ There is no such notice in the preceding book of Van Meteren. 

^ This is new style. Juet (p. 4.5) says that they sailed from the Texel 
on the 27th of March. The difi'erence between the two styles was, in 
1609, ten days. Thus the 27th of March and the 6th of April are iden- 

•* The North Cape. (Juet, p. 45.) 

148 Hudson's third voyage. 

May, directed his course along the northern coasts towards 
Nova ZcmbLa ; but he there found the sea as full of ice as 
he had found it in the preceding year, so that he lost the 
hope of effecting anything during the season. This cir- 
cumstance, and the cold which some of his men who had 
been in the East Indies could not bear, caused quarrels 
among the crew, they being partly English, partly Dutch; 
upon which the captain, Henry Hudson, laid before them 
two propositions ; the first of these was, to go to the coast of 
America to the latitude of 40°. This idea had been suggested 
to him by some letters and maps which his friend Capt. Smith 
had sent him from Virginia,^ and by which he informed him 
that there was a sea leading into the western ocean, by the 
north of the southern English colony. Had this information 
been true (experience goes as yet to the contrary), it would 
have been of great advantage, as indicating a short M-ay to 
India. The other proposition was, to direct their search to 

cndc hielt sijnen cours na Nova Zcmbla laughs dc Xoortschc Kus- 
ten, maer vondt aldaer de Zee soo vol ijs, als hy 't voovgaende 
Jaer ghevonden hadde, soo dat sy de hoope van dat Jaer aldaer den 
moet verloren : waer over cm de koude, die eenighe die \\e\ in 
Oost-Indien gheweest waren, qualijck herduren Konden, zijn sy 
twistigh gheworden onder den anderen, zijnde Enghelsche endc 
Nederlanders, waer over de Schipper Hutson hun voor hiel twee 
dinghen, d' eerste was te gaen op veertigh graden na dc custen 
van America, hier toe meest beweeght zijnde, door Brieven cndc 
Cacrten, die een Capiteyn Smit hem uyt Virginia ghesondcn 
hadde, dacr mede hy hem acnwccs ecu Zee, om tc vai on Inui 
Zuytschc Colonic acnde Noordt-zijde, cndc van dacr tc gaen in ecu 
Wcsterlijckc Zee dat wclckc soo alsoo gheweest ware, (alsoo de 
crvarcnthcyt tot noch toe contraric wijst,) soo sonde hct ecu sccr 
vorderlijcke saeckc gheweest hcbben, ende ecncn korten wegh om 
inde Indicn tc vacrcn. Den anderen voorslagh was, den wegh te 

' The probable nature of these maps will be explained in the intro- 


Davis's Straits. This meeting with general approval, they 
sailed on the 14th of May,' and arrived with a good wind at the 
Faroe Islands, where they stopped but twenty-four hours to 
supply themselves with fresh* water. After leaving these 
islands, they sailed on till, on the 18th of July, they reached 
the coast of Nova Francia, under 44°, where they were 
obliged to land for the purpose of getting a new foremast, 
having lost theirs. They found this a good place for cod- 
fishing, as also for the traffic in skins and furs, which were 
to be got there at a very low price. But the crew behaved 
badly towards the people of the country, taking their 
property by force ; out of which there arose quarrels among 
them.' The English fearing that they would be out-num- 

soecken door de strate Davis, dat wclcke sy Generalijcken besloten, 
dies sy den 14 Meye derwaerts toe zeylden, ende quamen met 
goeden Windt den lesten Meye, aent Eylandt van Faro, dacr sy 
alleenlijck vieren-twintigh uren ovcrbrochten, met versche Water 
in te nemen, vertveckende voeren sy totten 18 Julij tot op de Cus- 
ten van Nova Francia, op vier en veertich graden, daer sy moesten 
inloopen, om eenen nieuwen voor-mast te bekomen, den haren 
verlooren hobbende, die sy daer vonden ende opstelden, sy von- 
den die plaetse bequaem om Cabbeliaeu te vanghen, als cock 
om Traffique, van goede Huyden ende Pelsen, ofte weyeringhe 
dat aldaer om een kleyn dinghen te bekomen was, maer het 
schipvolck leefden qualijck mettet landt-volck, dinghen met ghe- 
weldt nemende, waer over sy twistigh onder den anderen werden, 
de Enghelsche vreesende dat sy vermandt waren ende weeckste, 

1 Juet has purposely omitted all statements concerning the voyage 
from the North Cape to Nova Zembia, and back to the North Cape. 
There is no entry between the 5th and the 19th of May. For the im- 
portant events which passed in the interval, Van Meteren is the only 

^ Near Pennobscot Bay, Juet, pp. GO, Gl. Juet tries to justify the 
conduct of the crew, saying that they distrusted the savages, and that in 
robbing them and firing at them, they did so as the savages would have 
done to them. 

150 Hudson's third voyage. 

bcrcd and worsted, were therefore afraid to make any fur- 
ther attempt. They left that place on the 26th of July, and 
kept out at sea till the 3rd of August, when they were again 
near the eoast in 42° of latitude. Thence they sailed on till, 
on the 12th of August, they reached the shore under 37° 45'. 
Thence they sailed along the shore, until we (sic) reached 
40° 45', where they found a good entrance, between two 
headlands, and thus entered on the 12th of September, into 
as fine a river as can be found, with good anchoring ground 
on both sides. 

Their ship sailed up the river as far as 42° 40'. Then 
their boat went higher up. Along the river they found sen- 
sible and warlike people; whilst in the highest part the people 
were more friendly, and had an abundance of provisions, 
skins, and furs, of martens and foxes, and many other 
commodities, as birds and fruit ; even white and red grapes. 
These Indians traded most amicably with the people from 

ende daerommc vrecsden sy vorder te vcrsoecken, aldus schcydcn 
sy van daer den 26 Julij, ende hielden de zee tot den derdcn 
Augustij, ende quamen by landt op twee-en veerticli graden, van 
daer voeren sy vorder tot den 12 Augustij, sy quamen weder by 
landt, op de latitude van seven-en ertich drie quart, van daer 
hielden sy by lant, tot dat wy quamen op veertich en drie quart 
graden, aldaer sy vonden eenen goeden ingangh tusschen twee 
hoofdcn, ende voeren dacrinne den 12 Septembris, een alsoo 
schoonen Reviere als men konde vinden, wijdt ende diepe ende 
goeden ancker grondt, ende was aen bey den zijden, eyndclijck 
quamen sy op dc latitude van twce-en-vcertich graden, ende veertich 
niinuten, met hun groot schip. Dan haer schips boot voer 
hooirer indc Rcvicre. V^oor indc Rcvicrc vonden sy Kloeck ende 
wcerbacr volck, macr binncn in t'uyterste vonden sy vricndelijck 
ende bcleef't volck, die vcel lijftocht haddcn, ende vccl Vcllen ende 
Pcltcrijcn, Macrtcns, Yosscn ende vccl andcr commoditcytcn, vog- 
helcnvrucliten, sclvcWijn-druyvcn, witteendcroodc, endehandeldcn 
bclccfdclijckcn mctten volckc, ende brochten van als wat mcdc : als 

Hudson's third voyage. 151 

the ship ; and of all the above mentioned commodities, they 
brought some home. When they had thus been about fifty 
leagues up the river, they returned on the 4th of October, 
and went again to sea. More could have been done, if the 
crew had been willing, and if the want of some necessary 
provisions had not prevented it. While at sea, they held 
council together, but were of different opinions. The mate, 
a Dutchman, advised to winter in Newfoundland, and to 
search the north-western passage of Davis throughout. 
This was opposed by Hudson. He was afraid of his mu- 
tinous crew, who had sometimes savagely threatened him, 
and he feared that during the cold season they would 
entirely consume their provisions, and would then be obliged 
to return. Many of the crew alt-o were ill and sickly. 
Nobody however spoke of returning home to Holland, which 
circumstance made the captain still more suspicious. He 
proposed therefore to sail to Ireland, and winter there ; 
which they all agreed to. At last they arrived at Dartmouth, 

sy nu ontrent vyftich mijlen hoogh op cle Reviere gheweest hadden 
zijn sy weder-ghekeert den vierden Octobris, ende hebben hun 
weder ter zee beglieven, daer hadden meer konnen uyt gherecht 
worden, hadde daer goeden wille m t'schipvolck gheweest, ende 
SCO mede ghebreck van eenighe nootdruft, sulcks niet hadde ver- 
hindert. In Zee hebben sy hun beraedtslaeght, ende waren van 
verscheyden opinien, de Onder Schipper een Nederlander, was van 
meyninghe op Terra Nova, te gaen verwinteren, ende de noordt- 
weste passagie van Davis te door-soecken, daer was de Schij^per 
Hutson tegen, die vreesde sijn gemuytineert volck, om sy by 
wijlen hem rouwelijck hadden ghedreycht, ende datse mede, voor 
de koude des Winters, hun gheheel souden verterren, ende dan 
moeten keeren, veel van 't volck teer ende sieckelijck, niemandt 
nochtans sprack van t'huys nae Hollandt te varen, dat den Schipper 
meerder-hande achter-dencken gaf, dies hy voorsloech nae Irlant te 
varen verwinteren, daer sy alle toestemden, dan ten lesten zijn sy in 
Enghelandt, tot Dertmouth den sevenden November ghekomen, van 

152 Hudson's third voyagk. 

in England, the 7th of November, whence they informed 
their employers the Directors of the East India Company 
of their voyage. They proposed to them to go out again 
for a search in the north-west, and that besides the pay, fifteen 
hundred florins should be laid out for an additional supply 
of provisions. Hudson also wanted six or seven of his crew 
exchanged for others, and their number raised to twenty. 
He was then going to leave Dartmouth on the 1st of Marcli, 
so as to be in the north-west towards the end of that month, 
and there to spend the whole of April, and the first half of 
May, in catching whales and other fish in the neighbourhood 
of Panar Island ;^ thence to sail to the north-west, and there 
to pass the time till middle of September, and then to return 
to Holland along the north-eastern coast of Scotland. Thus 
this voyage passed off. 

waer sy haer Meesters de Bewindt-hebbers in Hollandt hcbbcn haer 
reyse verwittight, voorslagh doende dat sy van bet noort-weste te 
gaen versoecken, met vijfthien bondert gulden in gbelde nicer in 
noordruft te besteden, beneffens den loon, ende dat sy in t' scbip 
alreede badden, dies wilde by ses ofte seven van sijn volck verandert 
bebben, tot, twintich manncn, 't geral op makende, etc., ende soudcn 
van Dertmoiitb t'seyle gaen, ontrent den eersten Meertc, om in, t 
noort-western te wesen, tegen t'eynde van Meerte, ende daer de 
Maendt van April ende half Meye, over te brenghen met Walvis- 
scben ende Beestcn te dooden, ontrent bet Eylandt van Panar, 
ende dan nae bet noort-westen te varen, om aldacr den tijdt over 
te brcngcn tot bait' September, en dacr na door bet Xoortoostcn 

^ No such name as Panar Island occurs on old maps. The oidy likely 
explanation is that the island meant is the Ys. de Arena of Ortelius, 
about 49°, near the coast of Newfoundland, then a general fishing sta- 
tion, and undoubtedly a most fitting starting-point for a north-western 
expedition. This Ys. de Arena was somehow turned into Panar Island by 
the somewhat negligent editor who published the IMS. of the last books 
of Van Meteren after his death. This mistake has been rendered (juite 
ludicrous by Van der Donck, who actually states that Hudson touched 
the ('a)i(iri/ Islands on his third voyage. 

Hudson's third voyage. 153 

A long time elapsed through contrary winds before the 
Company could be informed of the arrival of the ship in 
England. Then they ordered the ship and crew to return 
as soon as possible. But when they were going to do so, 
Henry Hudson and the other Englishmen of the ship were 
commanded by government there not to leave England but 
to serve their own country. Many persons thought it rather 
unfair that these sailors should thus be prevented from 
laying their accounts and reports before their employers, 
chiefly as the enterprise in which they had been engaged 
was such as to benefit navigation in general. These latter 
events took place in January 1610, and it was then thought 
probable that the English themselves would send ships to 
Virginia, to explore the river found by Hudson. 

van Schotlandt, weder te keeren na Hollandt. Aldus is die reyse 
afgheloopen, ende eer de Bewint-hebbers hebben connen gead- 
verteert worden, van haer komste in Enghelandt, is het door con- 
trarie wint lange aengheloopen, ende hebben 't schip ende volck 
ontboden ten eersten t'huys te komen, ende alsoo 't selfde sonde 
geschieden, is den schipper Herry Hutson van wegen die Over- 
heydt aldaer, belast niet te moghen vertrecken, maer dienst te 
moeten doen, sijn eygen Lant, also mede de ander Engelsche die 
int schip waren, dat nochtans vreemt velen dunckt, datmen de 
schippers niet toelaten sonde reeckeninghe ende rapport te doene 
van haren dienst ende besoingne, &c. ; aen hun Meesters, zijnde 
uytghesonden voor 't gemeyne beneficie van alderhande naviga- 
tien, dit ghescliiede in Januario, 1610, ende men achte dat de 
Engbelsche hem selve wilden mette Schepen nae Virginia senden, 
om daer de voorsz Reviere vorder te versoecken. 



FOL., AMSTERDAM, 1625, 1630. 


(from book III, CHAP. 7.) 

As to the first discovery, the Directors of the privileged 
East India Company, in 1609, dispatched the yacht, " Half 
Moon," under the command of Henry Hudson, captain and 
super-cargo, to seek a passage to China by the north-east. 
But he changed his course and stood over towards New 
France, and having passed the banks of Newfoundland in 
latitude 43° 23',^ he made the land in latitude 44° 15',^ with 
a west-north-west and north-west course, and went on shore 
at a place where there were many of the natives with whom, 
as he understood, the French came every year to trade. 

Wat de eerste ontdeckinghe belanght, in den jare 1609 sonden de 
Bewindt-hebbers van de gheoctroyeerde Oost-Indische compagnie 
het jacht de halve mane, daer voor schipper ende koopman op veer 
Hendrick Hudson, cm in 't noordt-oostcn een door-ganc naer 
China tc socckcn : dan sy verandcrdcn van Kours, ende staken 
over naer Nova Francia, ende de banck van Tcrrencuf ghepasseert 
hcbbcnde op de 43 graden ende 23 minuten gheracckten't landt 
met een w. n. w. ende n. w. Kours op de 44 graden ende 15 
minuten, ende hmdcn daer by sckere Wilden, by de wclcke, soo sy 

' Near Cape Sable, Nova Scotia : sec p. 53, note 1; p. 55, note 1. 

^ On the coast of Maine, a few miles to the north of Pennobscot Bay, 
where they afterwards cut a new foremast for their ship : see Juct, July 
17th, p. 69 ; Van Meteren, p. 149, note 2. 


Sailing hence, he heut his course to the south, until running 
south-south-west and south-west by south, he again made 
land in latitude 41° •13', which he supposed to be an island, 
and gave it the name of New Holland,^ but afterwards dis- 

verstonden, de Francoysen jaerhjckx komen handclen : van hicr 
keerden sy zuydt-waert op tot datse met een z. z, w. ende z. w. 
ten z. gangh weder't landt ghewaer wierden op de 41 graden ende 
43 minuten, welck sy meynden een Eylandt te wesen, ende gavent 
den naem van Nieuvv Hollandt, dan bevonden daer naer dat hct 

^ It is a question of some moment whether Hudson really called Cape 
Cod New Holland. His doing so would imply an intention on his side 
to take possession of the country in the name of the Dutch. De Laet is 
the only one of our authorities who saw Hudson's own journal of the 
third voyage, and if we could fully believe his statements, every doubt 
would be removed. But the discrepancies between him, Juet, and Pur- 
chas, and the mistakes committed by each of them with regard to Cape 
Cod, render a satisfactory conclusion impossible. De Laet believes 
Cape Cod to be in latitude 41° 43', Juet places it under 40° 10', whilst 
Purchas assigns to it two different latitudes, 41° 10' and 41° 45' (see pp. 
64, 66, and Purchas's side-notes to these pages). On the other hand the 
name of JVew Holland is on the old Dutch maps, not given to Cape Cod 
itself, but to the peninsula of Barnstaple, of which Cape Cod forms the 
extreme point ; and the mean latitude of that peninsula is, indeed, about 
41° 43', whilst Cape Cod lies under 42° 4', and has, on all the old Dutch 
maps, one or even more names of its own, viz., Cape Cod, Cape James, 
Statenhoek, Withoek. It is also certain, from Juet, pp. 64, 65, that 
Hudson explored part of Barnstaple peninsula. Under these circum- 
stances it might be thought that a very small correction would set De 
Laet's account right, and that the peninsula of Barnstaple was indeed 
called New Holland by Hudson. But it is quite clear from Juet, p. 66, 
that the spot mistaken by Hudson for Cape Cod was in latitude 40° 10', 
a reef in the sea, which he very correctly considered as an island. This 
reef was probably situated south of Nantucket. It is, under these cir- 
cumstances, to be feared that De Laet set the example, afterwards fol- 
lowed by Van der Donck, of tampering with his materials ; and that he 
made Hudson give the name of New Holland, because he desired it to 
be understood that Hudson wished to take possession of the country, a 
fact which is very improbable. The name of New Holland was given to 
Barnstaple before the year 1615. It is to be found on a chart of that 
date preserved in the Archives of the Hague. (A facsimile in 
O'Callaghan's Hist, of Neio Netherland, vol. i.) 


covei'cd that it was Cape Cod, and that according to his 
observation, it lay two hundred and twenty-five miles to the 
west of its place on all the charts. Pursuing his course to 
the south, he again saw land in latitude 37° 15'; the coast 
was low, running north and south, and opposite to it lay a 
bank or shoal, within which there was a depth of eight, 
nine, ten, eleven, seven, and six and a half fathoms, with a 
sandy bottom. Hudson called this place Dry Cape.^ 

Changing his course to the northward, he again discovered 
land in lat. 38° 9',^ where there was a white sandy shore, and 
within appeared a thick grove of trees full of green foliage. 
The direction of the coast was north-north-east and south- 
south-west for about twenty-four miles ; then north and 
south for twenty-one miles, and afterwards south-east and 
north-west for fifteen miles. They continued to run along 
the coast to the north, until they reached a point from which 
the land stretches to the west and north-west where several 
rivers discharge into an open bay. Land was seen to the 

Cap Cod was, ende dat het naer hacr besteck wel vijf-en seventich 
mijlen westelijcker leght als in alle Kaerten ghestelt wordt. Van 
hier vervielen sy tot de 37 graden ende 15 minuten, alwaer sy 
weder landt saghen, ende streckte hem z. ende n. Is een vlacke 
Kuste, ende daer streckt een banck langhs de Kuste henen, waer 
binnen het 8, 9, 10, 11, 7, ende 6^ vadem diep is sandt-grondt : 
sy noemden dese plaetse de drooghe Caep. Daer naer noordt- 
waert aen loopende, gheraeckten sy weder't landt op aclit-en- 
dertich graden en neghen minuten, ende was een wit sandt-strandt, 
ende binnen vol groene boomen, streckte daer n. n. o. ende z. z. 
w. ontrcnt acbt mijlen, ende dan z. ende n. seven mijlen, ende 
voort z. o. ende n. w. vijf mijlen : zcylden al langlis de wal noorden 
aen, tot dat sy aen ccn puni quamcn, ende t'landt streckte docn w. 
n. w. ende was een baye daer ccnighc rieviercn in quamcn, van 

' rrol)ably Cape Charles, at the mouth of Chesapeake Bay, 37° 10'. 
^ Assatcaguc Island, near the coast of Maryland. 


east-north-east, which Hudson at first took to be an island, 
but it proved to be the main land, and the second point of 
the bay, in latitude 38° 54'. Standing in upon a course 
north-west by east, they soon found themselves embayed, 
and encountering many breakers, stood out again to the 
south-south-east. Hudson suspected that a large river dis- 
charged into the bay, from the strength of the current that 
set out and caused the accumulation of sands and shoals.^ 

Continuing their course along the shore to the north, they 
observed a white sandy beach and drowned land within, 
beyond which there appeared a grove of wood ; the coast 
running north-east by east and south-west by south. After- 
wards the direction of the coast changed to north by east, 
and was higher land than they had yet seen. They at length 
reached a lofty promontory or headland, behind which was 
situated a bay, which they entered and run up into a road- 
stead near a low sandy point, in lat. 40° 18'.^ There they 

desen hoeck sagen sy landt naer't o. n. o. welck sy meynden een 
Eylandt te wesen, dan bevonden het vaste landt, ende den tweeden 
hoeck van die baye, op dehooghte van 38 graden ende 54 minuten: 
ende alsoo sy haer Kours n. w. ten n. aen stelden, vonden sy haer 
selven in een baye verseylt, ende ghemoeten vcel barninghen, soo 
dat sy z. z. o. weder uyt-stonden : sy vermoeden datter een groote 
rievier most uyt-loopen, door dc groote stroom die daer uytsette, 
ende vele sanden ende droogten veroorsaeckte : hiclent van hier 
VGorts langs de wal, was wit sandt-strandt, ende binncn al ver- 
droncken landt, ende 't binnen landt al vol boomen, streckte n. o, 
ten n, ende z. w, ten z, daer naer streckte n. ten, o. ende was 
hoogher landt als sy nocli ghesien hadden, tot aen eenen hooghen 
hoeck, achter de welcke een baye leght, alwaer sy op de reeden 
lieppen, achter een leeghen sandt-hoeck, op de veertich graden 

^ The bay and river are the Delaware Bay and River. The second 
point of the bay, in latitude 38° 54' (incorrect by a few miles), is Cape 

2 Hudson river. They entered near Sandy Hook and Sandy Hook 
Bay. (See Juet, p. 77.) 


were visited by two savages clothed in elk-skins, wlio showed 
them every sign of friendship. On the land they found an 
abundance of blue plums and magnificent oaks, of a height 
and thickness that one seldom beholds ; together with pop- 
lars, linden trees, and various other kinds of wood useful in 
ship-building. Sailing hence in a north-easterly direction, 
they ascended a river to nearly 43° north latitude, where it 
became so narrow and of so little depth, that they found it 
necessary to return. 

From all that they could learn, there had never been any 
ships or Christians in that quarter before, and they were the 
first to discover the river and ascend it so far. Henry Hud- 
son returned to Amsj;erdam with his report, and in the fol- 
lowing year 1610, some merchants again sent a ship thither, 
that is to say, to the second river discovered, which was called 
Manhattes from the savage nation that dwelt at its mouth. 
And subsequently their High Mightinesses, the States Gene- 
ral, granted to these merchants the exclusive privilege 

ende achlhien minuten ; daer quamen twee Wildcn by haer in 
elandts vellen gekleet, die haer alle teeckenen van vrientschap be- 
thoonden, vonden daer aen't landt menichte van blauw pruymen, 
en de schoonste eycken van lenghte ende dickte die men sien konde, 
poplieren, lonen, ende alderhande houdt dat van noode is tot de 
schepen te bouwen ; voeren van hier n. ten o. aen, ende de rievieren 
op, to by de 43 graden by noorden de linie, alwaer de rievier heel 
nauw werdt ende ondiep, soo dat sy te rugghe keerden. Naer alle 
'tgene sy konden oordeelen ende bevinden, soo en waren in dit 
quartier noch noyt eenige schepen ofte Christenen geweest, soo 
dat sy dc ccrste waren die dose rievier ontdeckten, ende soo hoog- 
lie op vocrcn. Hcndrick Hudson met dit raport wedcr ghckccrt 
/ijndc 't Amsterdam, soo liebbcn eenighc koop-liedcn in den jarc 
IGIO wedcr ecn schip dcrwaerts gcsondcn, tc wctcn naer dcsc 
twecde rievier, de wclcke sy den nacm gavcn van Manhattes ; 
naer dc nacm van de Wllden die acn't begin van dcsc ricvierc 
^vooncn : ende in dc volglicndc jarcn hcbbcn dc Ho. Mog. Hccrcn 

Hudson's third voyage. 159 

of navigating this river and trading there ;^ wherenpon, in 
the year 1615, a redoubt or fort was erected on the river, 
and occupied by a small garrison, of which we shall here- 
after speak. Our countrymen have continued to make voy- 
ages thither, from year to year, for the purpose of trafficking 
with the natives, and on this account the country has very 
justly received the name of New Netherlands. 

Staten Generael aen dese koop-lieden octroy verleent cm alleen op 
dese rieviere te mogen varcn ende den handel te drijven : waer 
over in den jare 1615 boven op de voornoemde rieviere eenredoute 
ofte fortjen wierdt geleght met een kleyn bescttinghe, daer wy hicr 
naer noch sullen van spreken ; ende is dese vaert by de onse sints 
jaerlijcks ghecontinucert, ende door-gaens van ons volck daer 
blijven Icgghen om den handel met de Wilden te drijven; waer 
door dit quartier ten rechten den naem van Niew-Nederlandt beeft 


(from book III, CHAPTER 10.) 

Henry Hudson, who first discovered this river, and all 
that have since visited it, express their admiration of the 
noble trees growing upon its banks ; and Hudson has him- 
self described the manners and appearance of the people that 
he found dwelling within this bay, in the following terms: — 

Hendbick Hudson die dese rieviere eerst heeft ontdeckt, ende alia 
die nacrderhandt daer bebben gbeweest, wetcn wonder te seggben 
van de scboone boomer) die bier wassen : de selve bescbrijft ons 
de manieren ende ghestalte van't volck, welck by stracx binnen de 
baye vondt aldus : Als ick aent land 't quam, stonde alle de Swarten 

^ These facts are not quite correctly stated. See Brodhead, Ilist. of 
New York, pp. 60, 61. 


" When I came on shore, the swarthy natives all stood 
around and sung in their fashion ; their clothing consisted 
of the skins of foxes and other animals, which they dress and 
make the skins into garments of various sorts. Their food 
is Turkish wheat (maize or Indian corn), which they cook 
by baking, and it is excellent eating. They all came on 
board, one after another, in their canoes, which are made of 
a single hollowed tree ; their weapons are bows and arrows, 
pointed with sharp stones, which they fasten with hard 
resin. They had no houses, but slept under the blue 
heavens, sometimes on mats of bulrushes interwoven, and 
sometimes on the leaves of trees. They always carry with them 
all their goods, such as their food and green tobacco, which 
is strong and good for use. They appear to be a friendly 
people, but have a great propensity to steal, and are exceed- 
ingly adroit in carrying away whatever they take a fancy 

In latitude 40° 48', where the savages brought very fine 
oysters to the ship, Hudson describes the country in the 

en songhen op hare wijse; haer kleederen syn vellen van vossen 
ende andere beesten die sy bereyden, ende maken kleerderen van 
vellen, van aller hande sorteringhen, haer eten is Turcxsche tar we, 
daer sy koecken van backen, ende is goet eeten ; quamen al temet 
aen boordt d'een voor d'ander naer, met haer prauwen van een 
heel houdt gemaeckt ; haer geweer is bogen ende pijlen met scharpe 
steentjens voor aen, die sy daer aen vast maken met spiegel harst; 
hadden daer geen huysen, sliepen al onder den blaeuwen Ilemcl, 
sommige op mattijens aen malkanderen ghewrocht van biesen, 
sommighe op bladeren van boomen, dragen altijts al haer goet met 
hour datse hebbcn, als eten ende groenen toback welck sterck is 
ende goet om ncmen ; schijnt vricndelijck volck te zijn, dan is 
seer ghencghen tot stclen, ende subticl oni wcgh te halen alles 't 
gheene haer aenstact. Op de hooghte van vcertich graden ende 
acht-en vcertich minuten, al waer de Wilde seer schoone ocstcrs 
aen syn schip brachten, ghctuycht de voor-noemde Hudson van 't 

hudsom's third voyage. 161 

following manner : — " It is as pleasant a land as one need 
tread upon ; very abundant in all kinds of timber suitable 
for shipbuilding, and for making large casks or vats. The 
people had copper tobacco pijies,. from which I inferred 
that copper might naturally exist there ; and iron likewise 
according to the testimony of the natives, who, however, do 
not understand preparing it for use. 

Hudson also states that they caught in the river all kinds 
of fresh-water fish with seines, and young salmon^ and 
sturgeon. In latitude 42° 18' he landed : — " I sailed to the 
shore," he says, " in one of their canoes, with an old man, 
who was the chief of a tribe, consisting of forty men and 
seventeen women ; these I saw there in a house well con- 
structed of oak bark, and circular in shape, so that it had 
the appearance of being well built, with an arched roof. It 
contained a great quantity of maize or Indian corn, and 

landt aldus ; Is soo schoonen landt als men met voeten betreden 
mach, over-vloedigh van alderhande houdt, cm schepen te bouwen, 
ende cm groote vaten van te maken ; t' volck hadde daer kojDeren 
toback pijpen, waer iiyt ick vermoede dat daer koper meet zijn, 
als cock yser naer dcr Wilden beduydinghe, dan sy en hebben 
gheen wetenscbap cm 'tselve te bereyden. De selve ghetuyght 
mede dat sy op de rievier allerbande rievier-visch met de seghen 
vanghen, cock jonghe salm ende steur. Op de booglite van twee-en- 
veertich graden ende achthien minuten was dito Hudson acn landt ; 
Ick veer (seght hy) met eeu van haer prauwen aen landt, met een 
oudt man die daer overste was, van veertich mans ende seventhien 
vrouwen, die ick daer sagh ; in een buys van basten van eyckcn- 
boomen wel ghemaeckt, ende rondtomsoo gelijck of bet een verwelft 

1 This fact has been doubted. Dr. Mitchell, an American naturalist 
informed Dr. Miller the New York historian, that no such fish had been 
seen in Hudson river, as long as he could remember. But this may be 
caused by the extraordinary movement even then (in 1820) existing in 
the river's mouth. There is no reasonable ground to doubt that the 
Hudson was, at the time of its discovery, as rich in salmon as many 
other North American rivers are now. 



beans of the last year's growth, and there Lay near the house 
for the purpose of drying, enough to load three ships, besides 
what was growing in the fields. On our coming into the 
house, two mats were spread out to sit upon, and immediately 
some food was served in well made red wooden bowls ; two 
men were also despatched at once with bows and arrows in 
quest of game, who soon after brought in a pair of pigeons 
which they had shot. They likewise killed a fat dog, and 
skinned it in great haste, with shells which they had got 
out of the water. They supposed that I would remain with 
them for the night, but I returned after a short time on 
board the ship. The land is the finest for cultivation that 
I ever in my life set foot upon, and it also abounds in trees 
of every description. The natives are a very good people, 
for when they saw that I would not remain, they supposed 
that I was afraid of their bows, and taking the arrows, they 
broke them in pieces, and threw them into the fire, etc." 

He found there also vines and grapes, pumpkins, and 
other fruits : from all of which there is sufficient reason 

hadde ghewecst, was overvloedigh van Maiz en boonen van 't voor- 
gaende jaer, ende daer lagh by het buys wel soo veel te drooghen, 
als dry schepen mochten voeren, sender dat noch stondt en wies ; 
by bet buys komende werden twee matjens gbespreyt om op te 
sitten, ende terstondt eenighe ghericbten voort gbebracbt, in roode 
bouten-backen wel gbemaeckt, ende sonden terstondt twee mannen 
uyt met booghen om wildt te scbieten, brocbten twee Duyven die 
sy wel bacst gbescbooteu badden, slocgben terstondt oock eenen 
vetten-bondt, ende krcgbcn bet vel af metier baest met scbelpen 
die sy uyt bet water krijgbcn, niccnden dat ick die nacbt by baer 
blijven sonde, dan ginck terstondt weder naer bet scbip ; 'tis het 
scboonste landt om te bouwen, als ick oyt mijn levcn met vocten 
betradt, ende oock van aldcrbandc boomen ; ende is seer goet volck, 
want doen sy sagbeu dat ick niet bbjven en wikle, meenden dat 
ick van baer bogben vervaert was, namcn de pijlcn, brakcn die 
acn stuckcn ende worpcn die int vier, etc. Sy vonden daer oock 

Hudson's third voyage. 163 

to conclude, that it is a pleasant and fruitful country, and 
that the natives are well disposed, if they are only well 
treated ; although they are very changeable, and of the same 
general character as all the savages in the north. 

wijngaerden ende dru3-ven, pompoenen ende andere vruchten. 
Wt welckes alles ghenoechsaem is af te neraen dat hat een seer 
schoon ende vruchtbaer quartier is, ende goet volck, als het maer 
wel ghehandelt wordt ; docli seer veranderlijck, ende van den 
selven aerdt als alle het volck van die noorder quartieren. 






VOL. I, P. 85, FOL.) 


The inclinations of tlie directors of the East India Com- 
pany were much at variance upon the proposals of Hudson. 
The directors of Zealand opposed it ; they were probably 
discouraged by the fruitless results of former voyages, con- 
cerning which they could obtain sufficient information from 
their colleague, Balthasar Moucheron,^ who long before had 
traded to the north. It was said they were throwing money 
away, and nothing else. If private merchants would run 
the risk they had no objection, provided the company was 
not injured by it. The Amsterdam directors, nevertheless, 
would not give up their plan, and sent Henry Hudson, in 
the same year 1609, with a yacht called the Half Moon, 
manned by sixteen Englishmen and Hollanders, again to sea. 

^ Balthasar de Moucheron was a rich merchant, one of the active 
emigrants who had left the southern provinces of the Netherlands during 
the war of independance against Spain. He settled in Zealand, and was 
the principal promoter of the maritime enterprise by which the young 
republic rose so fast to a distinguished place among European powers. 
Moucheron sent on his own account ships to Russia, to America, and to 
the East Indies. The undertakings alluded to by Lambrechtsen are the 
three voyages to the North-East, which De Veer has described. Mou- 
cheron was the principal instigator of these unsuccessful expeditions. 
(See Dr. Beke's De Veer, Introduction, p. lii.) 


This vessel left the Texel on the 6th of April, 1609, sail- 
ing towards the north. Prevented by the ice from reaching 
the latitude of Nova Zembla, they went to Newfoundland, 
and from there to Acadia or New France, till they were 
driven into a bay known only to the French, who arrived 
there annually to purchase hides and furs from the savages. 
Hudson, unwilling to approach those chilling shores, re- 
turned to sea, and steering south-west discovered land, 
which was first considered to be an island, but which was 
soon discovered to be a part of the continent, named Cape 

This industrious navigator felt (although born in Eng- 
land) so sensibly his relation to the Holland East India 
Company, who had employed him in discoveries, that he 
could not have hesitated a moment to give the name of his 
adopted fatherland to this newly discovered countxy. He 
called it New Holland. But not wishing to fix his per- 
manent residence on this spot, Hudson preferred the sea, 
taking a south-west course till he discovered a flat coast in 
37° 35', which he followed in an opposite direction. 

At this time he discovered a bay, in which several rivers 
were emptying, which, no doubt, must have been the South 
river, afterwards named Delaware. It has a projecting 
point, which then or afterwards obtained the name of Cape 
Henlopen, probably from the family name of the first dis- 
coverer. Now the bay was again left, and they steered 
north-east along the coast at 40° 18', where, between Barn- 
degat and Godinspunt, named thus afterwards in remem- 
brance of him who first discovered this cape,^ there was a 
good anchorage, to explore the country, and to open a com- 
munication with the inhabitants. But Hudson's curiosity 

1 Godyn was one of the Directors of the Dutch West India Company. 
The cape was not discovered by him ; but received his name because 
he possessed a large estate in its neighbourhood. Godyns punt is iden- 
tical with Colman's Point. See p. 80, note 3. 


was not so easily satisfied. He went again to sea, following 
the coast in the same direction till the mouth of a large river 
was discovered, which then was named by the sailors the 
North river, and afterwards, in honour of the name of the 
first discoverer, Hudson's river. 


The voyage was prosperous. But when he approached the 
English coast a mutiny was stirring among the crew, among 
which were several Englishmen. They compelled the skip- 
per to enter Dartmouth, from which the rumour of his dis- 
coveries ere long reached the capital. 

Nothing was more averse from the views of king James 
than of allowing to the Netherlanders any advantage from 
transmarine colonies, while he, in imitation of Queen Eliza- 
beth, desired to convert the whole to the profit of his own 
subjects. Hudson was considered as a person of import- 
ance, and he was forbidden to pursue his voyage towards 
Amsterdam, with the intention, ere long, to make use of his 

After the ship, the Half Moon, had been detained at Dart- 
mouth for some time, it Avas at length permitted to return 
to the fatherland, where it arrived in the beginning of the 
year 1610. 

And now did the directors obtain such favourable reports 
of the countries discovered by Hudson, that in their opinion 
these were a full compensation lor their disappointment in 
their principal aim, the passage to India by the north. 




1655, 1656. 

(the original pieces are taken from the first pages of the volume, 



This country was first found and discovered in the year of 
our Lord 1609; when, at the cost of the privileged East 
India Company, a ship named the Half Moon was fitted out 
to discover a westerly passage to the kingdom of China. 
This ship was commanded by Henry Hudson, as captain 
and supercargo, who was an Englishman by birth, but 
had resided many years in Holland, and was now in the 
employment of the East India Company. This ship sailed 
from the Canary Islands,^ steering a course north by west ; 
and after sailing twenty days with good speed land was 

DiT Lantschap is eerstmael gevonden en ontdeckt in den Jare onses 
Heeren Jesu Christi 1609. als wanneer ter koste van de Geoctro- 
yeerde Oost-Indische Compagnie af-gevaerdight is het Schip de 
Halve Maen, cm by Westen eenen doorgangh naer het Coningrijck 
van China te soecken : op dit Schip was Schipper en Coopman 
eenen Hendrick Hudson, wel een Engelsman geboortig, maer lang 
onder de Nederlanders verkeert hebbende, ende nu in dienst en 
maentgelt van de Oost-Indische Compagnie. Dit Schip, van de 
Canarische Eylanden af t' zeyl gaende, stelde sijne cours West ten 
Noorden aen, hebbende so by de twintigh etmael met redehjcke 

1 See p. 152, note 1. 


discovered, which by theii* calculation lay 320° by west. 
On approaching the land, and observing the coast and shore 
convenient, they landed, and examined the country as well, 
as they could at the time and as opportunity offered. 

spoet gezeylt, ontmoeten landt nae haer gissinge op de drie hondert 
en twintigh graden by Westen, ende merckende aen verscheyde 
teeckenen, dat noyt eenigh Christen daer te vooren geweest was, 
maer dat nu het lant by geval daer eerst ontdeckt werde. Onder 
bet landt dan nader komende, en siende de cust en strant bequaem, 
begaven haer daer na toe, namen het gesicht en besit daer van soose 
best konde, naer tijdts gelegentheydt. 

The country having been first found or discovered by 
the Netherlanders, and keeping in view the discovery of the 
same it is named the New Netherlands. That this country 
was first found or discovered by the Netherlanders, is evi- 
dent and clear from the fact that the Indians or natives of 
the land, many of whom are still living, and with whom I 
have conversed, declare freely, that before the arrival of the 
Dutch ship, the Half Moon, in the year 1609, they (the 
natives) did not know that there ^vere any other people in 

Soo is dan cock Nieiiw Nederlandt, als eerst van Nederlanders 
gevonden zijnde, mede ten aensien, de vindinge also genaemt. Dat 
dit Lant eerst van Nederlanders gevonden is, blijckt medc klaer 
daer uyt, dat de Indianen ofte Inboorlinghen die der noch veel 
in 't leven zijn, ende wy dickwils en verscheyden hebben hooren 
spreken, soo oudt datse daer van heugen, ront nyt verklaren, dat 
voor het aenkomen van ons Neerlants schip de Halve Maen, in 't 
Jaer 1609. sy Inboorlingen niet M'isten datter meer menschen in de 
werelt waren, als daer van haers ghelijck ontrent haer, vcel min 


the world than those who were like themselves, much less 
any people who differed so much in appearance from them 
as we did. 

Their men were without hair on the breasts or about the 
mouth, like women, whilst our men are hairy ; they were 
without clothing and mostly naked, especially in summer, 
while we are always clothed and covered. When some of them 
first saw our ship approaching at a distance, they did not 
know what to think about her, but stood in deep and solemn 
amazement, wondering whether it were a ghost or apparition 
coming down from heaven or hell. Others of them supposed 
her to be a strange fish or sea monster. When they dis- 
covered men on board, they looked upon them rather as 
devils than human beings. Thus they differed about the ship 
and men. A strange report was also spread about the country 
concerning our ship and visit, which created great astonish- 
ment and surprise amongst the Indians. These things we 
have frequently heard them declare, and we regard them as 
certain proofs that the Netherlanders were the first finders 

menschen so veer van haer slach en fatsoen verschillende als hare 
en onse Natie, zijnde hare Natie op de borst ende omtrendt den 
mont gantsch kael, ende den Vrouwen ghelijckt, de onse heel 
hayrigh, sy onghekleet, ende meest ontdekt, voornemelijck des 
Zomers, en wy altijt gekleet en bedekt, so dat doen sommige van 
haer, ons Schip van verre eerst sagen aenkomen, al heel niet wisten 
wat daer van te oordelen, ende in swaer beduchten stonden, of het 
oock spoock of diergelijcke werck was, dan of het uyt den Hemel 
of uyt de Hel mochte komen, andere meenden of het wel een 
seltsame Vis ofte Zee -monster sonde moghen wesen, ende of die 
gene die daer op waren, beter nae Duyvels of nae Menschen 
geleken, ende soo voorts gelijck yder sijn verscheyden gevoelen 
heeft : altijt daer liep een heel vreemt gerucht van door het lant, 
ende 't gaf groote versslagentheydt by alle de Indianen, ghelijck 
my dickwils verscheyden Indianen getuyght hebben, dies wy het 
oock voor een seker bewijs houden, dat de Neerlanders de eerste 


or discoverers and possessors of the New Netherlands. There 
are Indians in the country whose memory carries them back 
a hundred years/ and if there had been any other people 
here before us they would have known something of them, 
and if they had not seen them themselves they would have 
heard an account of them from others. There are persons 
who believe that the Spaniards have been here many years 
ago, when they found the climate too cold to their liking, and 
again left the country ; and that the maize or Turkish corn, 
and beans found among the Indians, were left with them 
by the Spaniards.- This opinion or belief is improbable, as 

vinders en besitters van Nieuw Nederlant zijn, want daer zijn 
Wilden die over de hondert Jaren heughen, ende soo der noch 
eenigh volck voor d'onse geweest waren, daer van souden sy al 
yetwes weten te seggen, soo sy 't selfs niet gesieu hadden, souden 
ten minsten van haer Voor-ouders gehoort hebben. Daer zijn cook 
luyden die meenen dat over veele Jaren de Spangiaerts in dit lant 
geweest zijn, maer het voor haer wat te koiit bevindende, weder 
verlaten hebben, en dat de boontjcs en Turksche tarwe of Mayes, 

^ The character and purpose of Van der Donck's book is explained in 
the introduction to the present volume. He was anxious to prove that 
New Netherland (a vast tract of land, of which the States of New York 
and Pennsylvania form the principal part) belonged by right of dis- 
covery to the Dutch, Being by profession a lawyer, he is not very 
scrupulous in his special pleading. The argument drawn from the 
memory of the Indians must elicit a smile in any one acquainted with 
them. They have no means of measuring past time, they do not even 
know their own ages, and are therefore themselves quite unable to ascer- 
tain how far their memory carries them back. 

^ Notwithstanding Van der Donck's assertions to the contrary, the 
whole coast of New Netherland was undoubtedly known to the Spaniards. 
The first of their vessels that visited these shores was commanded by 
the Portuguese Estevan Gomez, who seems to have spent part of the 
spring and summer of the year 1525 in exploring them. Their ships 
frequently visited them afterwards, and gave names to the rivers and 
islands. Hudson's river was called by them Rio de Gamas (Roe river). 
This matter is explained at some length in the introduction to the pre- 
sent volume. 


we can discover nothing of the kind from the Indians. Tiicy 
say that their corn and beans were received from the southern 
Indians, who received their seed from a people who resided 
still farther south, which may well be true, as the Castilians 
have long since resided in Florida. The maize may have been 
among the Indians in the warm climate long ago ; however, 
our Indians say that they did eat roots and the bark of trees in- 
stead of bread, before the introduction of Indian corn or maize. 

daer van onder de Wilden ghebleven^soude zijn, maer 't is niet 
waerschijnelijck, heb het cock noyt van de Wiklen konnen ver- 
nemen, ende de boontjes met het coorn, seggense haer van de 
zuydtse Wilden wel eertijts overgelevertte zijn, die het cock voor 
een tijt, nock al vry veel zuydelijcker van menschen die daer 
woonen, bekomen hadden, dat wel waer kan wesen : Want in 
Florida hebben al over langh Castilianen gewoont, ofte misschien is 
de Mayes oock wel eerder in die warme landen onder de Indianen 
geweest, maer onse Wilden seggen, datse van te vooren, eerse van de 
Mayes wisten, hasten van boomen, en wortelen in plaetse van 
broot aten. 

When this country was, in 1G09, first found by the Dutch, 
they learned from the natives that no Christians had been 
there before ; and considering themselves as the first dis- 
coverers they took possession in the name of their High 
Mightinesses the States General ; first along the South Bay, 

Doen dan eerstmael in het Jaer 1609 by de Neerlandcrs dit landt 
op-ghedaen werdt, ende aen de Jnboorlinghen bemerckende, dat 
sy aldaer de eerste Christenen ende Vinders waren, namen sy op 
den naeni ende van weglien hare Ho. Mog. mijn Heeren de Staten 
Generael der Vereeniglide Nederlanden possessie, eerst by de Suyt- 
bay aen Caep Hinloopen, die sy doenmael soo nocmdcn, ghclijck 


near the cape, which they then called Cape Hinlopen/ the 
name it still bears. Thence they sailed along the coast, 
giving various names to rivers and places, till into the great 
north river, which they sailed far up. The English on this 
account call it Hudson's river. The first discoverers called 
it Mauritius^ river, after Prince Maurice, who was then 
Statholder. Thence they sailed to Cape Cod, where they 
took possession, calling it New Holland.^ 

sy den selven naem noch heeft, ende voeren so al voort langlis de 
custe, ende op de Rivieren de plaetsen verscheyde benaminge 
gevende tot aen de groote Noort-rivier, die sy ver op voeren, soo 
datse de Engelsche noch sommighe Hutsons Rivier, willennoemen, 
maer sy noemdense doen Mauritius Rivier, naer Prins Mauritis, 
die doenmael in Nederlandt Gouverneur was ; van daer voerense 
voort tot voorby Caep Codt, daerse oock possessie namen, ende 
noemden de selve Nieuw Hollandt. 

■^ This taking possession is an invention of Van der Donck. They 
never landed near Cape Hinlopen. (See Juet, pp. 73 to 75 ; De Laet, 
pp. 154, 155.) 

^ This is also an invention of Van der Donck. The name was 
given several years afterwards. 

' This is quite incorrect. They sailed straight home without 
even seeing land. Hudson touched the coast near Cape Cod before he 
explored Hudson river. 


VOYAGE (1609). 






According to tradition they first landed in Coney Island, 
opposite Gravesend (Long Island), and now a part of King's 
County, in this state. 


the tradition of the american indians concerning 

Hudson's first intercourse with them, as preserved 

by the rev. j. heckewelder. 



The following paper is derived from the manuscripts deposited among 
the collections of the Society by the Rev. Samuel Miller, D.D., to whom 
it was communicated by the Rev. John Heckewelder, for many years a 
Moravian missionary to the Indians of Pennsylvania. In a letter accom- 
panying it, dated at Bethlehem, Jan. 26th, 1801, Mr. Heckewelder says : 
" As I receive my information from Indians, in their language and style, 
I return it in the same way. Facts are all I aim at, and from my know- 
ledge of the Indians, I do not believe every one's story. The enclosed 
account is, I believe, as authentic as anything of the kind can be ob- 

A voluminous correspondence of Mr. Heckewelder with Mr. Du Pon- 


ceau, concerning the languages of the Indians, together with an account 
of the history, manners, and general character of the native tribes, de- 
rived from personal observation, was published by the American Philo- 
sophical Society, at Philadelphia, 1819. This paper, in a somewhat 
altered, perhaps improved, form in respect to his phraseology, was com- 
prehended in that publication ; but as the original draft is more likely 
to convey accurately the language and style of Mr. Heckewelder's Indian 
informants, there seems to be a manifest propriety in adopting it for 
publication in the present collection. 

The following account of the first arrival of Europeans at 
New-York Island, is verbatim as it was related to me by 
aged and respected Delawares, Momeys and Mahicanni 
(otherwise called Mohigans, Mahicandus), near forty years 
ago. It is copied from notes and manuscripts taken on the 
spot. They say : 

A long time ago, when there was no such thing known to 
the Indians as people with a white skin (their expression), 
some Indians who had been out a-fishing, and where the 
sea widens, espied at a great distance something remarkably 
large swimming or floating on the water, and such as they 
had never seen before. They immediately returning to the 
shore apprised their countrymen of what they had seen, and 
pressed them to go out with them and discover what it might 
be. These together hurried out, and saw to their great sur- 
prise the phenomenon, but could not agree what it might 
be ; some concluding it either to be an uncommon large 
fish or other animal, while others were of opinion it must be 
some very large house. It was at length agreed among 
those who were spectators, that as this phenomenon moved 
towards the land, whether or not it was an animal, or any- 
thing that had life in it, it would be well to inform all the 
Indians on the inhabited islands of what they had seen, and 
put them on their guard. Accordingly, they sent runners 
and watermen off" to carry the news to their scattered chiefs, 
that these might send off" in every direction for the warriors 
to come in. These arriving- in numbers, and themselves 


viewing the strange appearance, and that it was actually 
moving towards them (the entrance of the river or bay), 
concluded it to be a large canoe or house, in which the 
Mannitto (great or supreme being) himself was, and that he 
probably was coming to visit them. By this time the chiefs 
of the different tribes were assembled on York Island, and 
were deliberating on the manner in which they should 
receive their Mannitto on his arrival. Every step had been 
taken to be well provided with plenty of meat for a sacrifice ; 
the women were required to prepare the best of victuals ; 
idols or images were examined and put in order ; and a 
grand dance was supposed not only to be an agreeable 
entertainment for the Mannitto, but might, with the addition 
of a sacrifice, contribute towards appeasing him, in case he 
was angry with them. The conjurors were also set to work, 
to determine what the meaning of this phenomenon was, and 
what the result would be. Both to these, and to the chiefs 
and wise men of the nation, men, women, and children were 
looking up for advice and protection. Between hope and 
fear, and in confusion, a dance commenced. While in this 
situation, fresh runners arrive, declaring it a house of 
various colours, and crowded with living creatures. It now 
appears to be certain that it is the great Mannitto bringing 
them some kind of game, such as they had not before ; but 
other runners soon after arriving, declare it a large house of 
various colours, full of people, yet of quite a different colour 
than they (the Indians) are of; that they were also dressed 
in a different manner from them, and that one in particular 
appeared altogether red, which must be the Mannitto 
himself. They are soon hailed from the vessel, though in a 
language they do not understand ; yet they shout (or yell) 
in their way. Many are for running off to the woods, but 
are pressed by others to stay, in order not to give offence to 
their visitors, who could find them out, and might destroy 
them. The house (or large canoe, as some will have it) 


stops, and a smaller canoe comes ashore with the red man 
and some others in it; some stay by this canoe to guard it. 
The chiefs and wise men (or councillors) have composed a 
large circle, unto which the red-clothed man with two others 
approach. He salutes them with friendly countenance, and 
they return the salute after their manner. They are lost in 
admiration, both as to the colour of the skin (of these whites) 
as also to their manner of dress, yet most as to the habit of 
him who wore the red clothes, which shone with something 
they could not account for.^ He must be the great Mannitto 
(supreme being) they think, but why should he have a 
white skin V A large hockhack^ is brought forward by one 
of the (supposed) Mannitto's servants, and from this a 
substance is poured out into a small cup (or glass) and 
handed to the Mannitto. The (expected) Mannitto drinks ; 
has the glass filled again, and hands it to the chief next to 
him to drink. The chief receives the glass, but only 
smelleth at it, and passes it on to the next chief, who does 
the same. The glass thus passes through the circle without 
the contents being tasted by any one ; and is upon the point 
of being returned again to the red-clothed man, when one of 
their number, a spirited man and great warrior, jumps up, 
harangues the assembly on the impropriety of returning the 
glass with the contents in it j that the same was handed 
them by the Mannitto in order that they should drink it, as 
he himself had done before them ; that this would please 
him ; but to return what he had given to them might 
provoke him, and be the cause of their being destroyed by 
him. And that since he believed it for the good of the 
nation that the contents offered them should be drank, and 
as no one was willing to drink it he would, let the con- 
sequence be what it would ; and that it was better for one 
man to die, than a whole nation to be destroyed. He then 

^ Lace. ^ Their own expression. 

^ Their word for gourd, bottle, decanter, etc. 


took the glass and bidding the assembly a farewell, drank it 
off. Every eye was fixed on their resolute companion to see 
what an effect this would have upon him, and he soon 
beginning to stagger about, and at last dropping to the 
ground, they bemoan him. He falls into a sleep, and they 
view him as expiring. He awakes again, jumps up, and 
declares that he never felt himself before so happy as after 
he had drank the cup. Wishes for more. His wish is 
granted ; and the whole assembly soon join him, and be- 
come intoxicated.^ 

After this general intoxication had ceased (during which 
time the whites had confined themselves to their vessel), the 
man with the red clothes returned again to them, and dis- 
tributed presents among them, to wit, beads, axes, hoes, 
stockings, etc. They say that they had become familiar to 
each other, and were made to understand by signs, that 
they now would return home, but would visit them next 
year again, when they would bring them more presents, and 
stay with them awhile ; but that, as they could not live 
without eating, they should then want a little land of them 
to sow seeds in order to raise, herbs to put in their broth. 

^ The Delawares calls this place (New York Island) Mannahattanink 
or Mannahacktaniok to this day. They have frequently told me that it 
derived its name from the general intoxication, and that the word com- 
prehended the same as to say the island or place of general intoxica- 

The Mahicanni (otherwise called Mohiggans by the English, and 
Mahicandus by the Low Dutch) call this place by the same name as 
the Delawares do : yet think it is owing or given in consequence of 
a kind of wood which grew there, and of which the Indians used to 
make their bows and arrows. This wood the latter (Mohicanni) call 
" gawaak." 

The universal name the Monseys have for New York is Laaphawack- 
king, which is interpreted, the place of stringing beads (wampum). They 
say this name was given in consequence of beads being here distributed 
among them by the Europeans ; and that after the European vessel had 
returned, wherever one looked, one would see the Indians employed in 
stringing the beads or wampum the whites had given them. 



That the vessel arrived the season following, and they were 
much rejoiced at seeing each other; but that the whites 
laughed at them (the Indians) seeing they knew not the use 
of the axes, hoes, etc., they had given them, they having had 
these hanging to their breasts as ornaments ; and the stock- 
ings they had made use of as tobacco pouches. The whites 
now put handles (or helves) in the former, and cut trees 
down before their eyes, and dug the ground, and showed them 
the use of the stockings. Here (say they) a general 
laughter ensued among them (the Indians), that they had 
remained for so long a time ignorant of the use of so 
valuable implements ; and had borne with the weight of 
such heavy metal hanging to their necks for such a length 
of time. They took every white man they saw for a 
ManittOj yet inferior and attendant to the supreme Manitto, 
to wit, to the one which wore the red and laced clothes. 
Familiarity daily increasing between them and the whites, 
the latter now proposed to stay with them, asking them only 
for so much land as the hide of a bullock would cover (or 
encompass), which hide was brought forward and spread on 
the ground before them. That they readily granted this 
request ; whereupon the whites took a knife, and beginning 
at one place on this hide, cut it up into a rope not thicker 
than the finger of a little child, so that by the time this hide 
was cut up, there was a great heap. That this rope was 
drawn out to a great distance, and then brought round 
again, so that both ends might meet. That they carefully 
avoided its breaking, and that upon the whole it encom- 
passed a large piece of ground. That they (the Indians) 
were surprised at the superior wit of the whites, but did not 
wish to contend with them about a little land, as they had 
enough. That they and the whites lived for a long time 
contentedly together, although these asked from time to 
time more land of them ; and proceeding higher up the 
Mahicanittuk (Hudson river), they believed they vvould soon 


want all their country, and which at this time was already 
the case. 

[Here ends this Relation.^] 

(from TATES and MOULTON's history of new YORK, p. 257.) 

Mr. Heckewelder received the tradition about sixty-five 
years ago, and took it down verbatim, as it was related to 
him by aged and respected Delawares, Monseys, and Mahi- 
canni. Dr. Barton says the story is told in the same way 
by all the Indians of the tribes of Delawares, the " Monces," 
and Mohiccans ; and in relating the incidents, they laugh 
at their own ignorance. But what still further shows (says 
Dr. B.) that considerable dependence may be placed upon 
the tradition is this, that to this day the Delawares, the 
Monseys, and Mohiccans call New York Manahachtanienks, 
that is, the place at which we were drunk, being the name 
they bestowed on the place immediately after the incident 

^ At the head of this article there is a typographical error in the 
name of a tribe of Indians — Momeys should be Monseys, often written 
Minsis. For an exact account of this and other Delaware nations, see 
Gallatin's St/nopsis of the Indian Tribes, a work of extraordinary ability, 
contained in Transactions of American Antiquarian Society, vol. ii, p. 
44, etc. 



(north-west, rox, p. 70.) 

In the road of Lee, in the river Thames, he caused Master 
Coolbrand^ to be set in a pinke to be carried backe again to 
London. This Coolbrand was every way held to be a better 
man than himselfe, being put in by the adventurers as his 
assistant, who envying the same (he having the command 
in his own hands) devised this course, to send himselfe the 
same way, though in a farre worse place, as hereafter fol- 

^ Hudson (p. 93) calls him Colburne ; Pricket (p. 98) calls him Col- 
bert. Hudson's version of the name, the only one that forms part of a 
logbook written during the voyage, is most probably the correct one. 






4tO., AMSTERDAM, 1612, 1613. 

The following accounts are all due to the same hand ; they even form 
part of the different editions of the same work ; and the natural suppo- 
sition would therefore be, that they must be repetitions of each other. 
This is, indeed, in a small degree, the case. But the variations between 
them are very great and very curious ; showing, as they do, the uncer- 
tainty of Gerritz's information, and how it was gradually corrected. It 
has, therefore, seemed advisable to reprint them all. 



A}i Account of the Voijage and New Found Strait of Mr. Hudson. 

Mr. Hudson, who has been repeatedly engaged in the 
search of a western passage, long intended to undertake an 
expedition for this same purpose through Lumley's Inlet, 
a channel leading out of Davis's Strait ; as we ourselves 
have seen pointed out on his map, which is in Mr. Plancius' 
hands. He hoped thus to reach the Pacific by the west of 

Mr. Hudson die ettelijcke malen Westwaerts een doorgangh 
ghesocht lieeft, had zijn oogh-merck cm door Lumbleys inlet in 
Fretum Davis in een doorgaende Zee te comen, ghelijck wy sulcx 
in zijn Caerte by Mr. Plantius gesien hebben-eii by v/esten Nova 
Albion in Mar del Zur te loope, daer een Enghels man, soo hy 
glieteeckent had, door ghepasseert was. Macr nac veel moeytens 


Nova Albion, J where another Englishman had, according to 
his drawings^ passed through. Hudson found after many 
labours the way represented on our map, and he was only 
prevented from following it further up, by the resistance of 
his crew. This mutiny took place under the following cir- 
cumstances. They had been absent from home about ten 
months, being provisioned only for eight, and during their 
whole voyage they had met but a single man, who brought 
them an animal which they ate ; but having been badly 
treated, the man never returned. Having thus left the lati- 
tude of 52°, where they had wintered, and having sailed up 
to 60°, along the western shore of their bay, they fell in 
with a wide sea and with a great flood from the north-west. 
The commanders intended to proceed further. The crew 
then rose against him, and put all the officers out of the 
ship into a boat, and sailed home to England. For this 

heeft hy desewech, die hier op dees Caerte gheteeckent staet, gevon- 
den, die hy vervolclit sonde hebben, hadde 't ghemeen Scheeps- 
volck niet soo onwilHcli gheweest : want also sy wel 10 maende 
uytgeweest hadden, daerse nochtans maer voor 8 maenden gevict- 
alieert waren, ende op de heele wech maer een man ghesien heb- 
ben, die haer een groot Dier brocht dat sy aten; die, om dat hy 
qualijck ghetracteert wiert, niet wear en quam, soo isset gemeen 
Scheeps-volck (als sy weder vande hoochte van 52 gr. daer sy 
verwinterden, tot op de hoochte van 60 grad. langhs de West- 
zyde vande Baye, daer sy in geloopen waren), op-gheclommen, 
daer sy een ruyme Zee ende groote baren uyten Noordwesten 
vernamen, endelick tegens haer Meesters op gestaen, die vor- 
der voort wilden, ende hebben d' Overheyt altesamen in een 
Sloep ofto scliuyt buyten scheeps gheset, ende zijn alsoo met het 
Schip nat Enggelant geseylt : Hierom zijn sy, als sy t' buys qua- 

^ Nova Albion is a vaojue term embracing all the possessions of the 
English in North America. The geographical notions involved in this 
passage and in the rest of Gerritz's various accounts will be discussed 
in the introduction. 

OF Hudson's two last voyages. 183 

cause they have, on their arrival at home, all been put in 
prison; and in the course of the present summer (1612) 
some ships have again been sent to those regions by order 
of the king and of the Prince of Wales/ to discover a passage 
and to look for Mr. Hudson and his companions. These 
have received orders that, in case the passage be found, two 
of them shall pass through it, the third shall be sent home 
with the news, which we are expecting. 

men, altesamen in prison gheset, ende dese Somer zijnder op 
nieus schepe ter ordonnantie van den Coningh ende den Prince 
van Wallis derwaerts ghesonden, cm de doorgangh verder t' ont- 
decken, ende Mr. Hudson met den synen op te soecken : welcke 
schepen bevel hebben cm met hun tween, als de passagie ghevon- 
den sal zijn, door te passeren, ende een t' huyste senden met de 
tydinghe die wy verwachten. 



But as even after these voyages of William Barentz^ the 
English had repeatedly tried that northern way, the Direc- 
tors of the East India Company resolved three years ago to 

QuoNiAM vero etiam post navigationes prajdictas Guilehiii Ber- 
nard!, viam illam aquilonarem aliquoties Angli adhuc tentaverant, 
visum fuit ante triennium D.D. Indicse navigationis prajfectis eo 

■^ Henry, Priuce of Wales, a young man of great promise, who died in 
November, 1612. 

^ The preceding passages of the Prolegomena, or Preface to Hessel 
Gerritz's work, contain a short account of Barentz's voyages to the 
North-east in search of a short way to China. The members of the 
Hakluyt Society possess Dr. Beke's excellent edition of De Veer's de- 
scription of these voyages. 


send there a certain Mr. Hudson, an Englishman. He, 
having found no way to the east, but, instead of it, the ocean 
ahnost entirely obstructed by ice, went to the west and re- 
turned without any profit to England. He was then sent 
out again by the English, and his voyage was far more 
prosperous, but his own fortune far worse. For, having 
after many labours passed beyond the Terra de Baccalaos^ 
for about three hundred miles- to the west, and having win- 
tered there in latitude 52", and being sure to be able to go 
still farther; then, not only he himself, but all his officers 
were put into a boat by their mutinous crew and left to drift 
on the waves. The sailors returned home without delay. 
We have added his geographical observations to the present 
book. We expect more certain news by the ships which 
have already been sent there ; and even the much desired 
report that they will have passed through the strait. These 
ships will thus obtain eternal fame and glory, . . 

mittere quendam M. Hudsonum Anglum, qui cum nullam ad 
Ortum viam, sed ejus vicem Oceanum invenesset glacie prorsus 
obstructum, ad Occasum deflexit, unde sine ullo profectu in 
Angliam appulit. Emissus auteni de novo ab Anglis, cursu qui- 
dem longo prosperiore, at deteriore tamen successu usus est ; cum 
enim post varies labores ultra Terram de Baccalaos 300 circiter 
milliaria Occasum versus emensus esset, inibique ad altitudinem 
graduum 52 jam hibernasset, et ulterius tendere certus esset, ecce 
non tantum ipse, sed omnis eius Senatus (ut sic dixerim) nauti- 
cus scaphse ab importunis nautis impositus et in undas demissus, 
ipsi sine mora domum reversi sunt. Nos vero notas ejus ad cal- 
cem hujus libelli adjunximus, certiora per naves eo jam missas, 
imo optatum de Freto pervio nuntium expectantes. Quae naves hoc 
ipso seternara sibi famam paraturse sunt. 

^ Terra de Baccalaos, or Codfish land, is a vague term, embracing 
most of the codfish stations north of 49°. On the old maps the name is 
generally written in latitude 55° or 56°, For the origin and history of 
the term, see the introduction to the present volume. 

^ Probably German miles. The other accounts have leucas (leagues). 

OF Hudson's two last voyages. 185 

These news of Hudson's recently found passage to the 
north of Newfoundland and the hope of a strait, are con- 
firmed by the testimony of the Virginian and Floridan 
savages, who all state most distinctly that their country is 
washed on its south-western side by a vast ocean, in which 
they have seen ships similar to those of the English. 

Confirmatur hsec nuper invent! ah Hudsono supra Terram 
Novam transitus sive Freti spes, Virginiarum Floridanorumque 
concordibus testimoniis, diserte adfirmantium, terras suas ab oc- 
casu aestivo vasto Oceano, in quo et naves Anglicanarum similes 



An account of the Discovery of the North-western Passage, tvhich is 
expected to lead to China and Japan, hy the North of the Ame- 
rican Continent, found hy Mr. H. Hudson, an Englishman. 

The English nation, encouraged by previous success, have 
grown bolder and bolder in their naval enterprise. Thus, 
besides their frequent voyages to the east, to Nova Zembla 
and to Spitzbergen,^ they have made almost uninterrupted 
efforts to discover a western passage or strait to China and 

Felicissim^ Anglicse gentis espeditiones maritimae, et prosper- 
rimi quibus in ijs usi successus, eos ad rariores quoque profecti- 
ones tentandas magis magisque extimularunt : nam prseter crebra 
suorum ad Ortum et Novam Zemlam Groelandiamq. itinera, per- 
petuo fere laborarunt in investigando ad Occidentem, Chinam 

1 Gerritz has Groenlandiam. The curious history of this name and 
of the geographical ideas and discoveries connected with it, will be found 
in the introduction to the present volume. 


Japan. They expected that sailing by this road they would 
have on their left the North American shores, where they 
have founded their Virginian colony. 

Several of those who set out in search of that passage 
entered Davis's Straits. Their example was followed by 
Captain George Winwood/ who sailed in 1602 nearly five 
hundred English miles up that strait, but was then forced 
by the ice to return. He now attempted to find the desired 
passage by exploring the narrows under 61°, which the 
English call Lumley's Inlet. But having sailed a hundred 
leagues into them he again turned back, partly on account 
of the sufferings which the great length of the voyage pro- 
duced among his crew, partly because he desired to explore 
two more bays, situated between Lumley's Inlet and Bacca- 
laos, whence the sea was streaming out with great might. 
These facts are stated in his logbooks, which Mr. Peter 
Plancius, a diligent investigator of such matters, commu- 
nicated to Mr. H. Hudson during his stay in Amsterdam in 
1609, when Hudson was going to undertake a search for a 

atque Japonem versus, transitu, sive freto, idque rellcto ad Isevam 
septentrional! America littore, occupata jam illic et colonijs suis 
insessa Virginia. Viam vero, quam eorum plserique in freto hoc 
indagando ingressi sunt, secutus est annos 1602 Capitaneus quo- 
que Georgius Winwood, qui quingentas fere Anglicas leucas 
in Freto Davis sursum decorsum vagarus, et prse glacie tandem 
coactus retrogredi, tentavit nura per sinum ilium, quern Angli 
Lumles Inlet appellant, sub gradibus uno et sexaginta positum, 
invenire forte posset optatam viam, sed centum in eo leucas Hypa- 
fircum versus progressus, pedem et hinc quoque retulit, turn quod 
diuturna itineris molestia nauticum vulgus esset attritum, turn 
quod statu isset lustrare et alios duos sinus inter Lumles Inlet et 
Bseccalaos, jnde exeuntem vidisset ingentem fluxum pro ut constat 
ejus Ephemeridibus, quasM.Petrus Plancius, curiosissimus talium 
novitatum investigator, tradidit M. Henrico Hudsono Anglo, 

^ George Weymouth. The mistake is corrected in the later editions. 

OF Hudson's two last voyages. 187 

passage to the north of Nova Zembla for the Directors of 
the Dutch East India Company. He did set out, but 
achieved nothing in the east ; he sailed therefore straight 
westward, to attempt again the way searched out and drawn 
by Captain Winwood ; which way, after passing for about 
a hundred leagues through a narrow channel, leads out into 
a wide sea. Hudson hoped to find a way through this sea, 
though Plancius had proved to him the impossibility of 
success, from the accounts of a man who had reached the 
western shore of that sea. Hudson achieved in 1609 nothing 
memorable, even by this new way. But he was again sent 
out in 1610 by his own countrymen. He now followed the 
way through Lumley's Inlet pointed out to him by Win- 
wood's papers. Having passed under many labours through 
the strait, he reached the latitude of 52°, where he wintered. 
Here he fell in, for the first time during the voyage, with 
one of the natives of the country. This Indian brought 
some merchandise, and was armed with a Mexican or Japa- 

Amsterodami per id tempus, anno videlicet 1609, agenti, et In- 
dicse navigationis preefectis, in quaerendo supra Novam Zemlam 
transitu, operam impensuro, qui et ipse cum ad Ortum nil pro- 
fecisset, ad occasum recta deflexit, denuo tentaturus ilium a Capi- 
taneo Winwood qusesitum delineatumque meatum, post centum 
plus minus leucarum angustias, in amplum tandem pelagus desi- 
nentem, quod ipsum mare hie noster Hudsonus speraverat fore 
perivium, licet contrarium ei, ex relatione cujusdam, qui occiden- 
tale maris ipsius littus adnavigaverat, idem Plancius ostendisset. 

Hudsonus, cum ne hoc quidem itinere quidquam memoria dig- 
num gessisset, anno proxime insecuto 1610, a popularibus suis 
rursus omissus est, et secutus ilium in Lumles Inlet sibi a Georgio 
Winwood ex parte calcatum tramitem, post multas tandem moles- 
tias fretum hoc superavit, et ad gradus 50, et 51, progressus est. 
Ubi et hibernavit, atque hie demum, cum alioqui nullos toto 
itinere obvios usquam et nescio quid prseterea adferret in com- 
meatum crisso Mexicano seu Japonensi accinctus. Unde se non 


nese oris ;^ fvom which circumstances Hudson concluded 
that he was not far from Mexico. The native, however, not 
being well treated, never afterwards returned. The Eng- 
lish thus lost this only chance of adding to their victuals, 
and being provided for eight months only, they left the 
harbour they had entered and sailed along the western shore 
of the bay till up to 62° or 63° north. Here they found a 
wide sea and more powerful tides from the north-west, 
which Hudson and the officers intended to examine further. 
But the crew, who had already been two months longer 
from home than their provisions had been intended for, rose 
against their commanders, and exposed Hudson and his 
friends in a boat in the open air. The crew then returned 
by the way they had come and reached their home in 
September 1611, where they were thrown into prison. 
They are going to be kept prisoners till their captain will 
have been found. In search of him three ships have been 
sent out this summer (1612) by the Prince of Wales and 

procul a terris Mexicanis abesse noster illico suspicatus est. Vir 
autem ille, parum comiter tunc exceptus, nunquam-postea redijt. 
Quare Angli, cum praeter octimestrem ilium, quern secum advexe- 
rant commeatum, nihil aliunde nanciscerentur, e sinu, quern erant 
ingressi, occidentale legentes littus, septemtrionem versus ex- 
currerunt ad gradus 62, et 63, ubi et mare invenerunt late diffu- 
sum, et grandiores ab Cauro impulses fluctos, quise Hudsono 
quidem et senatui nautico animus erat ulterius indagandi ; sed 
refragantes navales socij, quod bimestri jam spatio, ultra quam de 
annona prospectum esser, dome abfuissent, insurrexere tandem in 
sues preefectos, atque Hudsonum una cum suis scapha exposue- 
runt in mare: ipsi vero qua venerant navi, anno 1611 Septem- 
bri mense, domum reversi sunt, ubi in carcerem hac de caussa 
compacti, tantispcr asservantur, dum inveniatur Prsefectus, quern 
requirere jussse sunt tres ille naves, quas emiserunt hac ipsa sestate 

^ Thus the Mexicans call their flame-shaped poniards. (Gerritz's 

OF Hudson's two last voyages. 189 

some merchants. They are to explore the passage through- 
out, and when they have found the open ocean, one of them 
is to return with the desired news. This ship is daily ex- 
pected home. 

Sej-sim. VVallse Princeps et mercatores, transitum plane perlus- 
traturas, ac pernavigaturas, quarum imi injunctum, ut detecto ad 
plenu nieatu recurrat, nuntium illud tarn diu desideratum feliciter 
allatm'a, quod in horas nunc expectatur. 






A Description and Chart of the Discovery of the Strait or Passage 
by the north of the American continent to China and Japan. 

The English, stimulated by the happy success of their 
maritime enterprise, undergo without hesitation the troubles 
which these expeditions involve ; and in spite of the labori- 
ous nature of their voyages to the east, to Moscovia, Nova 
Zembla and Spitzbergen, they are still bent on new dis- 
coveries. They have chiefly made uninterrupted efforts to 
find a passage in the west, where they have already occu- 
pied Virginia and peopled it with their colonists. This 

Felicissimje Anglorum navigationes, et prosperrimi, earum suc- 
cessus, magis ac magis isti genti stimulum addiderunt, ut facile 
omnia tsedia devorarint et novas detectiones susceperint, quae licet 
laboriosissimse fuerint in Orientem ad era Moscovise, Novse Zemlse 
et Groenlandice, nihilominus desudarunt in partibus Occidentalibus 
(occupata jam etiam illic, et colonijs suis insessa Virginia) ut sibi 


passage they have sought for between Greenland and Nova 
Francia. Their efforts have as yet been fruitless, and 
through ice and snow they have in vain fought their Avay 
up to 70° or even 80° of northern latitude. The strait which 
they have thus explored bears the name of its first disco- 
verer, John Davis. The last navigator who went along 
that way was Captain George Weymouth, who sailed in the 
year 1602, and who, after a voyage of five hundred leagues, 
was, like his predecessors, forced by the ice to return. But 
on purpose to draw at least some advantage from his expe- 
dition, he directed his course to the bay under 61°, which 
the English call Lumley's Inlet, and sailed a hundred 
leagues in a south-westerly direction into it. Having gone 
so far, he found himself landlocked, and despairing of a 
passage, he was, by the weakness of his crew and by other 
causes, forced to return. He, however, first explored two 
more bays between that country and Baccalaos, and found 
there the water wide and mighty like an open sea, with very 
great tides. 

This voyage, though far from fulfilling Weymouth's hopes. 

transitum, intra GrcBnlandiam, et Novam Franciam qusererent sed 
frustra hactenus, seducti via in Septemtrionem obducta nivibus et 
glacie, elaboratum est, usque ad altitudinem septuaginta, aut 
octaginta graduum, nomenque traxit fretum ab inventor e primo 
Joanne Davis, postremus qui idem iter instituit, praefectus fuit 
Georgius Weymouth, qui anno millesimo sexcentesimo secundo 
quingentas leucas navigando emensus est, sed glaciei copia coactus 
est, ut et alij antecessores, in patriam redire. Sedne irritus plane 
esset conatus, navigans denuo, ad altitudinem sexaginta et unius 
gradus, per sinum quera Angli Lumles Inlet dicunt, ibi ob occi- 
dente in meridiem deflectens centum leucas, postea objectu terrae, 
transitum non inveniens, imbecillitate sociorum, alijsque de causis, 
coactus est reverti nihilominus et duos alios sinus lustravit, non 
sine maxima aquarum copia maris instar, et maximo fluxu et 
refluxu, intra terram banc, et earn quam Baccalaos appellant. 

OF Hudson's two last voyages. 191 

assisted Hudson very materially in finding his famous strait. 
George Weymouth's logbooks fell into the hands of the 
Rev. Peter Plancius, who pays the most diligent attention 
to such new discoveries, chiefly when they may be of ad- 
vantage to our own country; and when in 1609 Hudson 
was preparing to undertake a voyage for the Directors of 
the East India Company, in search of a passage to China 
and Cathay by the north of Nova Zembla, he obtained these 
logbooks from Peter Plancius. Out of them he learnt this 
whole voyage of George Weymouth, through the narrows 
north of Virginia till into the great inland sea ; and thence 
he concluded that this road would lead him to India. But 
Peter Plancius refuted this latter opinion from the accounts 
of a man who had searched and explored the western shore 
of that sea, and had stated that it formed an unbroken line of 
coast. Hudson, in spite of this advice, sailed westward 
to try what chance of a passage might be left there, having 
first gone to Nova Zembla, where he found the sea entirely 
blocked up by ice and snow. He seems, however, accord- 

Hsec navigatio licet turn temporis, votis, non responderit, tamen 
diaria Georgij Weymouth, (quae incideru.nt in manus D. P. Plantij 
curiosissimi rerum novarum investigatoris, in usum patrice hujus 
reique nautica3) usui fuerunt maximo, H. Hudsoni, in investiga- 
tione hujus faraosissimi freti, cum enim anno millesimo sexcen- 
tesimo et nono, ille ageret cum Prsefectis Indicse navigationis, de 
via inquirenda in Chinam et Cathayam, supra Novam Zemlam, 
hsec a D. P. Plantio impetravit Diaria, ex quibus totu istud iter 
Georgij Weymouth per angustius supra Virginiam didicit, usque 
ad Oceanum qui eam alluit, hinc ista opinio invaluit, hac via sola 
patere aditum ad Indos ; sed quam fallax sit, docuit ilium D. P. 
Plantius, ex relatu cujusdam, qui in parte Occidentali, terram esse 
continentem asseverarat, eamque lustrarat. Hudsonus nihilominus 
in Oriente, et Nova Zemla, viam sibi a glacie, nivibus, praeclusam 
videns, in Occidentem navigavit, ut quid spei superesset inquireret; 
non recto itinere (ut hie fertur) ut patriie huic nostrse, et preefectis 


ing to the opinion of our countrymen, purposely to have 
missed the right road to the western passage, unwilling to 
benefit Holland and the Directors of the Dutch East India 
Company by such a discovery. All he did in the west in 
1609 was to exchange his merchandise for furs in New 
France. He then returned safely to England, where he was 
accused of having undertaken a voyage to the detriment of 
his own country. Still anxious to discover a western pas- 
sage, he again set out in 1610, and directed his course to 
Davis's Strait. There he entered in latitude 61° the path 
pointed out by George "Weymouth, and explored all the 
shores laid down in the present chart,^ up to the height of 
63°. He then sailed to the south, down to 54°,^ where he 
wintered. When he left his winter quarters he ran along 
the western shore for forty leagues, and fell in, under 60°, 
with a wide sea, agitated by mighty tides from the north- 
west. This circumstance inspired Hudson with great hope 

prodesset, tantum in Nova Francia mercibus suis commutatis, pro 
pellibus, salvus in Angliam reversus est, ibique accusatus in detri- 
mentum Patriae Anglise navigationes suas instituisse. Iterum iter 
succepit, non minori studio de transitu investigando in Occidente, 
tendens in Fretum Davis, anno millesimo sexcentesimo e decimo, 
usque ad altitudinem unius et sexaginta graduum, ingressus semi- 
tam Georgij Weymouth, omnes oras lustravit, hac in tabula deU- 
neatas, usque ad gradus sexaginta tres, deflexit in Meridiem usque 
ad gradus quinquaginta quatuor, sub ijs hybevnavit, solvens istinc 
littus Occidentale leges, ascendit usque ad gradum sexagesimu, 
recta navigans, quadraginta leucas, amplu pelagus deprehedit, 
fluctibus a Cauro agitatis superbiens : Ex his non exigua spes 
transeundi Hudsono aflPulsit, nee voluntas senatui nautico defuit, 
sed fastidium, et malevolentia sociorum scrupulum injicere, ob 
victus inopiam, cum ijs tatum in octo menses prospectum esset, 
nihilque toto itinere aHmento dignum in manus eorum incideret, 

^ His Chart {Zyne Caerte), according to the Dutch edition. 
^ 52 degrees (52 ste. graed) Dutch edition. 

OF Hudson's two last voyages. 193 

of finding a passage, and his officers were quite ready to 
undertake a further search ; but the crew, weary of the long 
voyage, and unwilling to continue it, bethought themselves 
of the want of victuals, with which they had been provided 
for eight months only, and to which no additions had been 
made during the voyage, except one large animal which an 
Indian brought. This Indian was armed with a Mexican or 
Japonese oris (poniard), from which fact Hudson concluded 
that a place which possessed Mexican arms and productions 
could not be far distant from that country.^ At last the ill will 
of the crew prevailed. They exposed Hudson and the other 
officers in a boat on the open sea, and returned into their 
country. There they have been thrown into prison for their 
crime, and will be kept there until their captain shall be 
safely brought home.^ For that purpose some ships have been 

nisi forti Indus quidam, qui Crissio Mexicano, seu Japonensi 
armatus, feram attuht, ex quo Hudsonus conjiciebat, se non longe 
a Mexicanis abesse, quorum arma, et commercia videret. Tandem 
prsevaluit sociorum malevolentia, qui Hudsonum, cum reHquisprse- 
fectis scapha exposuerunt in mare, ipsi patriam petiere, quam cum 
appulissent, ob scelus commissum in carceres detrusi sunt, ibique 
detinentur, donee prsefectus eorum Hudsonus salvus suis resti- 
tuatur, ab ijs, quibus id negotij superiori anno millesimo sexcen- 

'^ Wherefrom it appears that the people of that country have some 
communication with those along the Pacific Ocean. {Daer wt dattet 
schijnt die natie daer te lande ghemeenschaj) te hebben met die aen de 
Zuyder Zee.) Dutch edition. 

^ The Dutch edition, published several months before the Latin, has 
from this point an entirely different termination : " He is being searched 
for by the ships which have been sent out this summer by the mer- 
chants and by the Prince of Wales, who is said to assist them. These 
ships are not expected to return before they will have been in Mare del 
Zur. We wish them good luck." {Die ghesocht loort van de scheepens 
die dese somer derwaert gesonden zijn van de Coopluyden ende van den 
Prince van Wallis die daer de hand aen hoiit., soo ghesegt wort, Welche 
scheepens men meent niet te sullen weder komen eer sg al heel sullen tot 
in Alar del Zur geweest hebhen, daer xvy haer gheluck toe u-enschen.) 



sent out last year (1612) by the late Prince of Wales^ and by 
the Directors of the Moscovia Company, about the return of 
which nothing has as yet been heard. We may therefore 
hope that they have passed beyond that strait, and we do not 
think that we shall hear anything about them before they 
return to England from East India or China and Japan, 
by the same road by which they went out. This, we hope 
and pray, may come to pass. Nor has the zeal of our 
fellow citizens of Amsterdam cooled down. They have 
some months ago sent out a ship, to search for a passage or 
for Hudson's Strait, to try whether any convenient inter- 
course can be established with those places, or, if this should 
be found impossible, to trade on the coasts of New France.^ 

tesimo et duodecimo, jussu Principis Wallise pise memoriae, et 
Prsefectorum Russice navigationis commissum est; de quorum reditu 
hactemis nihil inauditum, hinc spes aliqua affulget, eas angustias 
illas superasse nee judicamus quid certe nos inaudituros prius- 
quam ex Indise Orientali redierint, aut ubi cum Chinensibus, 
aut Japonensibus sua transegerint, eademque via in Angliam redie- 
rint : quod felix et faustum sit precamur unice. 

Nee fervor iste in nostris Amsterodamensibus deferbuit plane 
superioribus enim mensibus ab ijs emissa est navis, eo tantum fine, 
ut de transitu, vel Freto Hudson! inquireret, et num commercij 
locus sit in istis oris, si vero eventus votis non respondeat, in oris 
Novae Francise negotiabuntur. 

^ Henry, Prince of Wales, died in November, 1612, between the pub- 
lication of the first and second editions of Hessel Gerritz. The ships 
sent out were commanded by Button, the discoverer of Button's Bay, a 
gentleman of Prince Henry's household. Button wintered in Hudson's 
Bay and returned in autumn, 1613. 

^ For an account of this expedition see O'Callaghan, History of New 
Netherland, i, pp. 68, 69. 







RIVER), A.D. 1524. 


(from " N. Y. HIST. SOC. COLL,," NEW SERIES, VOL. I,) 


The following paper is a new translation of the letter written by 
Verazzano on his return from his first voyage to the western con- 
tinent, giving an account of his discoveries to Francis I of France, 
by whose orders he had undertaken it. It is made from a copy of 
the original manuscript in the Magliabecchian Library at Florence, 
which was presented to the New York Historical Society by G. W. 
Greene, Esq., now Consul of the United States at Rome. A trans- 
lation of part of the same letter is printed in the first volume of 
the Society's "Collections", which was taken from Hakluyt,Mvho 
followed the original as given by Ramusio ; but as that varies in 
substance, in some few instances, from the Magliabecchian ; and 
as Hakluyt's translation is throughout obscure and antiquated in 
language, it seems requisite to publish the one which has been 
made from the Society's copy. This letter is in itself highly inte- 
resting and important ; and is rendered still more so from the fact 
of its being the earliest original account in existence of the Atlantic 

' From Hakluyt's Divers Voyages, a new edition of which, by J. Winter 
Jones, Esq., forms part of the publications of the Hakluyt Society. 


coast of the United States, nearly the whole extent of which was 
visited by Verazzano during the voyage described in it. It is 
worthy of remark that the name by which the western continent is 
now known, is not used by Verazzano in the account of his visit 
to it, owing probably to the recent and not universal adoption of 
it : it is possible even that he was ignorant of its having been 

With respect to the comparative authenticity of the manuscript 
used by Ramusio, and that from which our copy is taken, we have 
nothing conclusive to offer : we can only say that the internal evi- 
dence is greatly in favour of the latter. Mr. Greene, who took up 
the whole subject in an article in the North American Revieiv for 
October 1837, remarks that there are in Ramusio such variations 
from the Magliabecchian manuscript as can only be accounted for 
by supposing that the editor must have worked the whole piece 
over anew, correcting the errors of language upon his own autho- 
rity. Something of the kind was evidently done : the language of 
the two is very different ; and that used in the manuscript from 
which the present translation is made, has strong marks of being 
in the very form in which it was moulded by Verazzano. It is 
throughout just as sailors of little education commonly write : little 
or no regard is paid to grammar ; the sentences run into each 
other ; the subjects are thrown together confusedly ; parenthetical 
clauses constantly break the thread of the narrative ; and there are 
no points from beginning to end. From such a labyrinth of words 
it is not easy to affirm that the precise meaning has always been 
unravelled ; but all possible pains have been taken to render the 
Italian original as exactly and as clearly as the barbarous style in 
which that is written would admit. The cosmographical descrip- 
tion at the close is not found in Hakluyt, and it was not published 
in the volume of " Collections" before cited. It is now added, 
rather on account of the curious evidence it furnishes of the state 
of nautical science at that time, than of any valuable knowledge 

to be drawn from it. 

J. G. C. 

New York, Jan. 9th, 1841. 

The editor of the present volume, whilst acknowledging his 
great obligations to Professor Cogswell, cannot share his opinions 


about the cosmographical appendix. Before that appendix was 
published, Verazzano's voyage seemed without a purpose. In the 
appendix it is clearly stated that Verazzano, like the Cabots and 
Hudson, and like nearly all the north-western discoverers, sought 
a way to Cathay. This fact, which connects the first discoverer of 
Hudson's river so closely with the navigator whose name the river 
bears, is of paramount importance for oi;r subject. It is the prin- 
cipal reason for inserting the letter in this collection. 



Captain John de Verazzano to his most Serene Majesty 
THE King of France, writes : 

Since the tempests which we encountered on the northern coasts, 
I have not written to your most Serene and Christian Majesty con- 
cerning the four ships sent out by your orders on the ocean to 
discover new lands, because I thought you must have been before 
apprized of all that had happened to us ; that we had been com- 
pelled, by the impetuous violence of the winds, to put into Brit- 
tany in distress, with only the two ships Normandy and Dolphin ; 
and that, after having repaired these ships, we made a cruise in 
them, well armed, along the coast of Spain, as your Majesty must 
have heard ; and also of our new plan of continuing our begun 
voyage with the Dolphin alone. From this voyage being now 

Da poi la fortuna passata nelle spiagge settentrionali, Ser^^o Signore 
non scrissi a vostra serenissima et cristianissima Maesta quello che era 
seguito delli quattro legni che quella mando per lo oceano ad iscoprir 
nuove terre, pensando di tutto sia stata certificata come dalle impetuose 
forze de' venti fummo costretti con sola la nave Normanda e Dalfina 
afflitti ricorrere in brettagna dove resturate avia V. S. M. inteso il dis- 
corso facemmo con quelle armate in guerra j^er li lidi di Spagna, di poi 
la nuova disposizione con sola la dalfina in sequire la prima navigazione, 


returned, I proceed to give your Majesty an account of our disco- 

On the 17th of last January we set sail from a desolate rock 
near the island of Madeira, belonging to his most Serene Majesty 
the King of Portugal, with fifty men ; having provisions sufficient 
for eight months, arms, and other warlike munition and naval 
stores. Sailing westward with a light and pleasant easterly breeze, 
in twenty-five days we ran eight hundred leagues. On the 24th of 
February we encountered as violent a hurricane as any ship ever 
weathered, from which we escaped unhurt by the divine assistance 
and goodness, to the praise of the glorious and fortunate name of 
our good ship, that had been able to support the violent tossing of 
the waves. Pursuing our voyage towards the west, a little north- 
wardly, in twenty -four days more, having run four hundred leagues, 
we reached a new country which had never befoi'e been seen by 
any one either in ancient or modern times. At first it appeared 
to be very low ; but on approaching it to within a quarter of a 
league from the shore, we perceived, by the great fires near the 
coast, that it was inhabited. We perceived that it stretched to the 
south, and coasted along in that direction in search of some port 

dalla quale essendo ritornato dar6 adviso a V. S. M. di quelle abbiamo 

Dallo deserto scopulo propinquo alia isola di Madera del Ser'"o re di 
Portogallo con la detta dalflna alii 17. del passato mese di gennajo con 
cinquanta uomini forniti di vettovaglie, arme et altri struuxenti bellici e 
munizione navale per otto mesi partimmo navigando per zeffiro spirando 
subsolano con dolce e soavo levita, in venticinque giorni corremmo leghe 
800, e 11 di 14 di Pebbrajo passammo una tormenta tanto aspera quanto 
mai alcuno che navigasse passasse. Delia quale con lo divino ajuto e 
bontade e laude, del glorioso noma e fortunato fatti atti a sopportare la 
violenta ouda del mare, fummo liberi, e seguimmo nostra navigazione 
continuando verso 1' occidente pigliando alquanto del settentrione, e iu 
venti cinque altri giorni corremmo piii oltre leghe 400, dove ci apparse 
una nuova terra mai da alcuno antico o moderno vista. Mostravasi 
alquanto bassa al principio, rati approssimatici a un quarto di lega conos- 
cemmo quella per li grandissimi' fuochi facevano al lito del mare essere 
abitata: vedemmo correva verso I'Austro, custrandola per trovar alcuna 
porto dove potessimo con la nave sorgere per investigare la natura di 


in which we might come to an anchor and examine into the nature 
of the countrj' ; but for fifty leagues we could find none in which 
we could lie securely. Seeing the coast still stretched to the 
south, we resolved to change our course and stand to the north- 
ward ; and as we still had the same difficulty, we drew in with the 
land, and sent a boat on shore. Many people who were seen 
coming to the sea-side, fled at our approach ; but occasionally 
stopping, they looked back upon us with astonishment, and some 
were at length induced, by various friendly signs, to come to us. 
These shewed the greatest delight on beholding us, wondering at 
our dress, countenances, and complexion. They then shewed us 
by signs where we could more conveniently secure our boat, and 
offered us some of their provisions. That your Majesty may know 
all that we learned, while on shore, of their manners and customs 
of life, I will relate what we saw as briefly as possible. They go 
entirely naked, except that about the loins they wear skins of small 
animals, like martens, fastened by a girdle of plaited grass, to 
which they tie, all round the body, the tails of other animals, 
hanging down to the knees. All other parts of the body and the 
head are naked. Some wear garlands similar to birds' feathers. 
The complexion of these peoiDle is black, not much different 

quella in spazio di leghe 50 non trovammo porto prossimo alcuno dove 
sicuri potessimo posare e visto che continuo scendeva verso I'Austro 
deliberammo tornare a rigarla verso 11 settentrione donde il raedesimo 
trovammo sorgendo alia costa mandando il battello a terra avemmo vista 
di molta gente che venivano al lido del mare et vedendo approssimarci 
fuggirono alcuna volta fermandosi si voltavano addietro con grande 
ammirazione risguardando, ma assicurandoli noi con varj segni, venivano 
alcuni di quegli, mostrando grande allegrezza a vederci maravigliandosi 
di nostri abiti e figure e bianchezza facendene varj segni dove col battello 
dovessirao pivi commodamente scendere offerendone di loro vivande : 
fummo alia terra e quello potessimo di loro vita e costumi conoscere con 
brevita diro a V. S. M. Vanno del tuto nudi salvochfe alle parti pudi- 
bunde portano alcune pelli di piccoli animali simili a martori con una 
cintura d' erbe tessutu con code d' altri animali che pendono circuendo 
il corpo seno alle ginocchia il resto nudo, il capo simile. Alcuni di loro 
portano certe ghirlande simili di penne d' uccelli. Son di colore neri 


from that of the Ethiopians. Their hair is black and thick, and 
not very long ; it is worn tied back upon the head, in the form of 
a little tail. In person they are of good proportions, of middle 
stature, a little above our own ; broad across the breast, strong in 
the arms, and well formed in the legs and other parts of the body. 
The only exception to their good looks, is that they have broad 
faces ; but not all, however, as we saw many that had sharp ones, 
with large black eyes and a fixed expression. They are not very 
strong in body, but acute in mind, active and swift of foot, as far 
as we could judge by observation. In these last two particulars 
they resemble the people of the East,^ especially those the most 
remote. We could not learn a great many particulars of their 
usages on account of our short stay among them and the distance 
of our ship from the shore. 

We found, not far from this people, another, whose mode of life 
we judged to be similar. The whole shore is covered with fine 
sand, about fifteen feet thick, rising in the form of little hills, 

non molto dagli Etiopi difForme i capelli neri e folti non molto lunghi i 
quali legano insieme dietro alia testa in forma d' una piccola coda. 
Quanto alia similitudine dell' uono some bene proporzionate di mezza 
statura e piu presto a noi eccedono in nel petto ampli, nelle braccia dis- 
poste le gambe e 1' altro del corpo bene composti : non hanno altro 
salvo alquanto nel viso tendono in larghezza, non per6 tutti che a molti 
vedemmo il viso profilato, gli occhi neri e grandi la guardatura fissa, 
non sono di molta forza ma di ingenio acuti agili e grandissimi corri- 
dori per quelle potemmo per esperienza conoscere. Somigliano per due 
estremi agl' oriental! massime a quegli delle ultime regioni. Non po- 
temmo di loro costumi molto in particulare comprendere per la poca 
stanza facemmo alia terra, per essere suso 1' onde alia piaggia. Trovammo 
non lungi di quegli altri populi de quali pensiamo il vivere sia con- 

1 The resemblance between the nations of the eastern shores of Asia and 
the aborigines of North America is a fact more and more confirmed by 
modern research and travel. Still Verazzano, the first man who asserts it, 
could not possibly make the comparison. His repeated assertions can only 
be taken as proofs of the tendency of human nature strikingly described by 
Cffisar : " Ho^nines fere libenter quod volant, credunt." He xoished to reach 
Cathay ; and, therefore, he believed himself to be near it. Another not less 
striking instance of the same tendency is to be found in Hessel Gerritsz's 
remarks about the poniard of a Hudson's Bay Esquimaux, (p. 188.) 


about fifty paces broad. Ascending farther, we found several arms 
of the sea, which make in through inlets, washing the shores on 
both sides as the coast runs. An outstretched country appears at 
a little distance, rising somewhat above the sandy shore, in beau- 
tiful fields and broad plains, covered with immense forests of trees 
more or less dense, too various in colours, and too delightful and 
charming in appearance to be described. I do not believe that 
they are like the Hercynian forest, or the rough wilds of Scythia ; 
and the northern regions full of vines and common trees ; but 
adorned with palms, laurels, cypresses, and other varieties, unknown 
in Europe ; that send forth the sweetest fragrance to a great dis- 
tance ; but which we could not examine more closely for the reasons 
before given, and not on account of any difficulty in traversing the 
woods ; which, on the contrary, are easily penetrated. 

As the " East " stretches around this country,^ I think it cannot 
be devoid of the same medicinal and aromatic drugs, and various 
riches of gold and the like, as is denoted by the colour of the 
ground. It abounds also in animals, as deer, stags, hares, and 

forme, e 11 lito b coperto tutto di una minuta rena alto piedi quindici, 
estendosi in forma di piccoli colli largo passi cinquanta. Poi ascendendo 
si trovani alcuni bracci di mare che entrano per alcune foci rigando il 
lito dair una all' altra parte come corre il lito di quello. A presso si 
mostra la terra lata tanto eminente che eccede il lito arenoso, con belle 
campagne e province pieue di grandissime selve ; parte rare e parte 
dense, vestite di varj colori di abori di tanta vaghezza e dilettevole guar- 
datura quanto esprimere sia possible, ne credo quelle sieno come la 
ercinea selva o le aspre solitudini di scitia o piaggie settentrionali prene 
di viti e arbori, ma ornate di palme, lauri, e cipressi e altre varieta d' 
arbori incogniti alia nostra Europa quali da lungo spazio spirano sua- 
vissimi odori i quali non possemmo conoscere per la causa sopra narrata 
non che a noi fosse difficile per le selve discorrere che tutte sono pene- 
trabili, ne pensiamo participando dello oriente per la circumferenza 

1 The curious reader will fiud a further development of Verazzano's geo- 
graphical notions in his cosmographical appendix to the letter to Francis I. 
It is easy to perceive that these notions, though expressed in clear and often 
very precise terms, were extremely vague, and that they cannot, without 
violence, be tortured into a palpable shape. Tliey are, in this respect, closely 
akin to the contemporary geographical delineations. 


many other similar, and with a great variety of birds for every kind 
of pleasant and delightful sport. It is plentifully supplied with 
lakes and ponds of running water ; and being in the latitude of 
34°/ the air is salubrious, pure, and temperate, and free from the 
extremes of both heat and cold. There are no violent winds in 
these regions ; the most prevalent are the north-west and west. In 
summer, the season in which we were there, the sky is clear, with 
but little rain. If fogs and mists are at any time driven in by the 
south wind, they are instantaneously dissipated, and at once it be- 
comes serene and bright again. The sea is calm, not boisterous, 
and its waves are gentle. Although the whole coast is low and 
without harbours, it is not dangerous for navigation, being free from 
rocks, and bold, so that, within four or five fathoms from the shore, 
there is twenty-four feet of water at all times of tide; and this 
depth constantly increases in a uniform proportion. The holding 
ground is so good that no ship can part her cable, however violent 
the wind, as we proved by experience ; for while riding at anchor 

sieno senza qualche drogheria o liquore aromatico et altre divitie oro ed 
altro de quale colore la terra tutta tende, e copiosa di molti animali 
daini, cervi, lepre, e simili. Di laghi e stagni di viva acqua copiosa con 
varj numeri d' uccelli atti e commodi a ogui dilettevole piacere di vena- 
gione. Sta questa terra gradi 34, 1' aria salubre pura e temperata dal 
caldo e dal freddo. Veuti non impetuosi in quelli regione spirano e quelli 
che pill continui regnano sono coro e zefiiro. Al tempo estivo del quale 
noi fummo il cielo e sereno con rara pluvia, e se alcuna volta da venti 
australi 1' aria incorre in qualche pruina o caliggine in uno stante non 
durando ^ disfatta tornando pura e chiara, il mare tranquillo e non flut- 
tuoso le onde del quale sono placide ancora che il lito tutto renda in 
bassezza, e nudo di porti non perd e infesto a a naviganti essendo tutto 
netto e senza alcuno scopulo e profondo che per iusino a 4 o 5 passi si 
trova presso alia terra senza flusso o riflusso piedi venti d' acqua cre- 
scendo tal proporzione uniforme alia profondita nel pelago con tanto 
buono territorio che qualsivoglia nave da tempesta afSitta mai in quelle 

1 Either this indication, or the direction of the course mentioned next page 
(line 6), must be wrong. This circumstance renders a critical investigation 
of Verazzano's track absolutely imjiossible. We must be satisfied with the 
rather vague assertions, that the shore he first saw now forms pai't of 


on the coast, we were overtaken by a gale in the beginning of 
March, when the winds are high, as is usual in all countries ; we 
found our anchor broken before it started from its hold or moved 
at all. 

We set sail from this place, continuing to coast along the shore, 
which we found stretching out to the west (east? ); the inhabitants 
being numerous, we saw everywhere a multitude of fires. While 
at anchor on this coast, there being no harbour to enter, we sent 
the boat on shore with twenty-five men, to obtain water ; but it 
was not possible to land without endangering the boat, on account 
of the immense high surf thrown up by the sea, as it was an open 
roadstead. Many of the natives came to the beach, indicating, by 
various friendly signs, that we might trust ourselves on shore. One 
of their noble deeds of friendship deserves to be made known to 
your Majesty. A young sailor was attempting to swim ashore 
through the surf, to carry them some knick-knacks, as little bells, 
looking-glasses, and other like trifles ; when he came near three or 
four of them he tossed the things to them, and turned about to 
get back to the boat ; but he was thrown over by the waves, and 
so dashed by them, that he lay as it were, dead upon the beach. 
When these people saw him in this situation, they ran and took 
him up by the head, legs, and arms, and carried him to a distance 

parti non rompendo le funi potra perire e questo abbiamo provato per 
esperienza. Imperocche per valere nel principio di Marzo come sempre 
ogni regione essere suole le forze de venti sendo noi in alto mare surti 
da procella oppress! prima trovammo la ancora rotta che nel foudo 
arrasse o facesse movimento alcuno. 

Partimmo di questo luogo continuo scorrendo la costo qual trovammo 
tornava alio occidente veggendo per tutta quella grandissimi fuochi per 
la moltitudine delli abitatori. Surgendo in quella alia piaggia per non 
tenere porto alcuno, per necessita d'acqua mandammo il battello a terra 
con 25 uomini, per le grandissime onde gittava il mare al lito per essere 
la piaggia aperta non fu possibile senza pericolo di battello che alcuno 
potesse in terra scendere, vedemmo molta gente venivano al lito facendo 
varj segni d'amista mostrando fussimo a terra, fra quali vidi uno alto 
magnifico come intendera V.S.M. Mandando noi a nuoto uno giovane 
de' nostri mariuaria terra portando a queglialcuue fantasie come sonagli 
specchi ed ultre geutilizze, ed essendo 3 o 4 giunti prossimo a quegli git- 


from the surf. The young man, finding himself borne off in this 
way, uttered very loud shrieks, in fear and dismay, while they an- 
swered as they could in their language, showing him that he had 
no cause for fear. Afterwards, they laid him down at the foot of 
a little hill, when they took off his shirt and trousers and examined 
him, expressing the greatest astonishment at the whiteness of his 
skin. Our sailors in the boat, seeing a great fire made up and their 
companion placed very near it, — full of fear, as is usual in all cases 
of novelty — imagined that the natives were about to roast him for 
food. But as soon as he had recovered his strength, after a short 
stay with them, showing by signs that he wished to return aboard, 
they hugged him with great affection, and accompanied him to the 
shore, then leaving him that he might feel more secure, they with- 
drew to a little hill, from which they watched him until he was 
safe in the boat. This young man remarked that these people were 
black, like the others ; that they had shining skins, middle stature, 
and sharper faces, and very delicate bodies and limbs ; and that 
they were inferior in strength, but quick in their minds ; that is all 
that he observed of them. 

Departing hence, and always following the shore, which stretched 

tando loro le merce e volendo adietro tornarsi fu tanto dalle onde rimosso 
che quasi morto cadde trasportato alia riva del lito quale visto la gente 
della terra. Subito corsono pigliandolo per la testa e gambe e braccia 
lo portarono alquantolontauo onde veggendo il giovane in tal forma por- 
tarsi da terrora spaventato metteva grandissimi gridi — il che loro in 
loro lingua simile facevano dimostrando non temesse — de poi quello in 
terra a pie d'uno colletto posto facevano grandissimi atti di ammirazione 
guardando la bianchezza delle sue carni per tutto lineandolo e spoglian- 
dogli la camicia ed i calzamonti e restato nudo feciono appresso di quello 
uno grandissimo fuoco approssimandolo al calore. II che visto i marinari 
che erano al battel© restate pieni di spavento come in ogni caso nuovo e 
costume di quelli pensavano che per cibo lo volessero arrostire, riavuto 
lui le forze, con quelli alquanto dimorato per segni dimostro volersi tor- 
nare alia nave e quelli con grandissimo amore teuendolo sempre stretto, 
con varj abbracciamenti 1' accompagniarno fino al mare e per piii assi- 
curarlo allargandosi in uno colle emiueute stettero a riguardarlo fino che 
quello fu al battello. II giovane di queste gente conobbe che tali souo 
di colore ncro come uli altri e le carue molto lustre di mediaua statrua. 


to the north, we came, in the space of fifty leagues, to another 
land, which appeared very beautiful and full of the large forests. 
We approached it, and going ashore with twenty men, we went 
back from the coast about two leagues, and found that the people 
had fled and hid themselves in the woods for fear. By searching 
around, we discovered in the grass a very old woman and a young 
girl of about eighteen or twenty, who had concealed themselves 
for the same reason. The old woman carried two infants on her 
shoulders, and behind her neck a little boy eight years of age. 
When we came up to them they began to shriek and make signs to 
the men who had fled to the woods. We gave them a part of our 
provisions, which they accepted with delight; but the girl would 
not touch any; everything we offered to her being thrown down 
in great anger. We took the little boy from the old woman to 
carry with us to France, and would have taken the girl also, who 
was very beautiful and very tall ; but it was impossible because of 
the loud shrieks she uttered as we attempted to lead her away. 
Having to pass some woods, and being far from the ship, we de- 
termined to leave her and take the boy only.^ We found them 

11 viso piii profilato, il corpo e 1' altre membra assai piu dilicati di molta 
poca forza e pivi presto d' ingegno altro non vide. 

Di qui partiti seguendo sempre il leto che tornava verso settentrione 
pervenimmo in spazio di leghe 50 a un' altra terra che molto si mostrava 
bella e plena dl grandlssime selve. Giugnemmo a quella andando 20 
uominl circa due leghe fra terra e trovammo le gentl che per paura s'erano 
fugglte alle selve, cercando per tutto scontrammo una femlna molto 
vecchia ed una giovane d' anni 18 in 20, le quali per timore si erano 
ascose fra 1' erbe. Aveva la vecchia due fanciullette quale portava sopra 
le spalle e dietro al collo uno fanciullo tuttl d' eta d' anni viil in circa, 
giunte nol a quelli cominciorno a grldare e fame segnl agli uominl 
che s' erano fuggite alle selve. Donammoli noi a mangiare delle uostre 
vlvande quale con gran gusto accettorno, la giovane tutto rinunziava e 
con ira a terra glttava e pigllammo 11 fanciullo alia vecchia per menare 
In Francia, e volendo prendere la giovane quale era di molta bellezza, 
e d' alta statura, non fu mai possibile per i grandisslml gridi spandeva 
la potessimo condurre al mare avendo a passare per alcune selve ed 

1 When we compai'e this conduct ^yith that of the natives related in the 
last page, we may well ask, " Which are the savages?" The early navigators, 


fairer than the others, and wearing a covering made of certain 
plants which hung down from the branches of the trees, tying them 
together with threads of wild hemp. Their heads are without 
covering and of the same shape as the others. Their food is a 
kind of pulse, which there abounds ; different in colour and size 
from ours, and of a very delicious flavour. Besides, they take 
birds and fish for food; using snares, and bows made of hard 
wood, with reeds for arrows, in the ends of which they put the 
bones of fish and other animals. The animals in these regions 
are wilder than in Europe, from being continually molested by the 
hunters. We saw many of their boats, made of one tree, twenty 
feet long and four feet broad, without the aid of stone or iron, or 
other kind of metal. In the whole country, for the space of two 
hundred leagues, which we visited, we saw no stone of any sort. 
To hollow out their boats, they burn out as much of a log as is 
requisite, and also from the prow and stern, to make them float 
well on the sea. The land, in situation, fertility, and beauty, is 

essendo dalla nave lungi deliberammo lasciarla portando solo il fanciullo. 
Trovammo costoro piii bianchi che i passati, vestiti di certe erbe che 
stavano pendenti k rami degli alberi quale tessono con varie cordi di 
canape silvestra,il capo nude nella medesima forma degli altri il rivere loro 
in genera e di legumi de quali abondano different] nel colore a grandezze 
de' nostri di ottimo e dilettevoli sapere. In oltre di venazione pesci ed 
ucelli quali pigliano con lacei ed archi fanno de duro legno, le freccie 
di calamo e nella estremita mettono ossi di pesci, e d' altri animali. 
Sono in questa parte le fiere piti salvattiche che non sono in la nostra 
Europa per la continua molesta hanno dei venatori. Vedemmo molte 
delle loro barchette construtte d' un solo albero lunghe piedi 20 larghe 
piedi 4 non con ferro o pietra o altro genere de metallo sono fabbricate 
imperocche tutta quella terra in spazeo de fyhe dugento che vi cor- 
remmo alcuna pietra d' alcuna sorta mai da noi fu vista. Auitansi del 
quarto elemento del legno tale parte quanto basti alia concavita dela 
barca ed il simile della prora e poppa tanto che navigando possa solcare 
le onde del mare. La terra del sito, bonta e belezza e come 1' altre selve 
vare di vario genere d' alberi piene ma non di tanto odore per essere piii 

prompted by too natural a curiosity, and not respecting men whom they con- 
sidered as little better than wild beasts, tried to kidnap some of the natives 
whenever opportunity offered. They thus caused the spirit of distrust and 
hostility, which was afterwards evinced by the North American Indians. 


like the other ; abounding also in forests, filled with various kinds of 
trees ; but not of such fragrance, as it is more northern and colder. 

We saw in this country many vines, growing naturally, which 
entwine about the trees, and run up upon them as they do in the 
plains of Lombardy. These vines would doubtless produce ex- 
cellent wine if they were properly cultivated and attended to, as 
we have often seen the grapes which they produce very sweet and 
pleasant, and not unlike our own. They must be held in estima- 
tion by them, as they carefully remove the shrubbery from around 
them wherever they grow, to allow the fruit to ripen better. We 
found, also, wild roses, violets, lilies, and many sorts of plants and 
fragrant flowers different from our own. We cannot describe their 
habitations, as they are in the interior of the country, but from 
various indications we conclude they must be formed of trees and 
shrubs. We saw also man)'- grounds for conjecturing that they 
often sleep in the open air, without any covering but the sky. Of 
their other usages we know nothing ; we believe, however, that all 
the people we were among live in the same way. 

After having remained here three days, riding at anchor on the 
coast, as we could find no harbour, we determined to depart, and 
coast along the shore to the north-east, keeping sail on the vessel 
only by day, and coming to anchor by night. After proceeding 

settentrionale e fredda. Vedemmo in quello molte vite dalla natura 
produtte, quali alzandosi avvoltano agli alberi come nella cisalpina 
Gallia costumano, le quali se dagli agricoltori avessino 11 perfetto ordine 
di cultura senza dubbio produrrebbono ottrini vini, perche pii^ volte il 
frutto di quello beendo, veggendo suave e dolce non dal nostro differente 
sono da loro temiti in estimaziono imperocche per tntto dove nascono 
levauo gli arbuscoli circustanti ad causa 11 frutto possa germinare. 
Trovammo rose silvestre e viole gigli e molte sorte di erbe e fiori odori- 
feri da nostri differente. Le abitazioni loro non conoscemmo per essere 
dentro infra terra, estimiamo per molti segni vedemmo sieno di legno e 
erbe composte, credendo ancora per varie congetture e vestigii molte di 
quegli dormire alia campagne ed altra che il cielo non abbiano per 
copertura. Altro di costoro con conoscemmo, pensiamo tutti gli altri 
della passata terra vivino nel medesimo modo. Essendo in questa terra 
dimorati tre giorni, surti alia costa per la rarita de' porti deliberammo 
partire scorrendo sempre al lito infra settentrione ed oriente, il di sola- 


one hundred leagues, we found a very pleasant situation among 
some steep hills, through which a very large river, deep at its 
mouth, forced its way to the sea ; from the sea to the estuary of 
the river, any ship heavily laden might pass, with the help of the 
tide, which rises eight feet. But as we were riding at anchor in a 
good berth, we would not venture up in our vessel, without a know - 
ledge of the mouth ; therefore we took the boat, and entering the 
river, we found the country on its banks well peopled, the inhabi- 
tants not differing much from the others, being dressed out with 
the feathers of birds of various colours. They came towards us 
with evident delight, raising loud shouts of admiration, and show- 
ing us where we could most securely land with our boat. We 
passed up this river, about half a league, when we found it formed 
a most beautiful lake three leagues in circuit, upon which they 
were rowing thirty or more of their small boats, from one shore to 
the other, filled with multitudes who came to see us. All of a sud- 
den as is wont to happen to navigators, a violent contrary wind 
blew in from the sea, and forced us to return to our ship, greatly 
regretting to leave this region which seemed so commodious and 
delightful, and which we supposed must also contain great riches, 

mente navigando e la notte posando la ancora in termini di leghe cento 
trovammo un sito molto ameno posto infra piccoli colli eminenti nel 
mezzo de' quali correva al mare una grandissima riviera, la quale dentro 
alia foce era profonda e dal mare all' eminenza di quella col ricresci- 
mento delle acque quali trovammo piedi otto e vi passata ogni oneraria 
nave a per essere surti nella costa in buono obbligo non volemmo senza 
intellegenza della foce aventurarci fummo col battello ed entrando 
nella riviera alia terra quale trovammo molto populata e le genti quasi 
conforme all' altre vestiti di penne d' uccelli di varj colori venivano verso 
di noi allegramente mettendo grandissimi gridi di ammirazioni mostran- 
done dove col battello avessimo piu securamente a possare, entrammo in 
detta riviera dentro alia terra circa mezza lega dove vedemmo faceva un 
bellissimo lago di circuito di leghe tre in circa, per lo quale andavano 
discorrendo dall' una all' altra parte al numero di trenta di loro bar- 
chette con infinite genti che passavano dall' una all altra terra per ver- 
derci. In uno stante come advenire suole nel navicare movendosi im- 
petuoso contrario vento dal mare fummo forzati tornacci alia nave 
lasciando la detta terra con molto dispiacere per la commodita e vaghezza 


as the hills showed many indications of minerals. Weighing 
anchor/ we sailed eighty leagues towards the east, as the coast 
stretched in that direction, and always in sight of it ; at length we 
discovered an island of a triangular form, about ten leagues from the 
main land, in size about equal to the island of Rhodes, having 
many hills covered with trees, and well peopled, judging from the 
great number of fires which we saw all around its shores ; we 
gave it the name of your Majesty's mother.^ 

We did not land there, as the weather was unfavourable, but 
proceeded to another place, fifteen leagues distant from the island, 
where we found a very excellent harbour. Before entering it, we 

di quella pensando non fosse senza qualche facolta di prezzo mostrandosi 
tutte 11 colli di quella minerali. Levata 1' ancora navicammo verso 
r oriente che cosi la terra tornava, discorse leghe ottanta. Sempra a 
vista di quella discoprimmo una isola in forma triangolare lontano dal 
continente leghe x. di grandezza simile alia isola di Rodi plena dl colli, 
coperta d' alberi, e molto populata per 11 continui fuochl, per tutto 
interno al lito vedemmo che facevano. Battezzammolo iu nome della 
vostra clarrissima genitrice. Non surgendo a quella per la opposizione 
del tempo venlmmo a un' altra terra distante dalla isola leghe xv tro- 
vammo uno belissimo porto e prima in quello entrassimo vedemmo circa 

' It is quite clear, from the course of the vessel, that the river here de- 
scribed is the Hudson, and the bay, its mouth. The description also is per- 
fectly accurate. As is stated further on, by Professor Cogswell, an American 
historian, Dr. Miller was of opinion, that not the bay here summarily sketched, 
but the one more amjily depicted on a later page of Verazzano's journal, is 
New York harbour. Dr. Miller was most probably misled by his patriotism. 
The charming description of the second bay cannot be mistaken for that of 
the mouth of the Hudson, by any one whose judgment is entirely unbiassed. 
The mistake has for a long time been generally acknowledged in America. 

The second bay, which Verazzano afterwards entered, is Narrangaset Bay 
(Newport harbour, Rhode Island). The praise given to it by its discoverer 
is not by any means exaggerated. 

2 It may perhaps be allowed to hazard the conjecture that this tribe was 
descended from the Welsh emigrants, who had reached America in the early 
part of the middle ages : and of whom many travellers, but most especially 
Mr. Catlin, believe to have found some traces. They need not hive been 
very white to appear fair to a sunburnt Italian mariner. The emendation 
introduced into the text by Mr. Cogswell, seems of too bold a nature. Di 
colore bianchissimo can hardly be interpreted into inclining to a lohite 
{bronze) colour. 


saw about twenty small boats full of people, who came about our 
ship, uttering many cries of astonishment, but they would not ap- 
proach nearer than within fifty paces ; stopping, they looked at the 
structure of our ship, our persons and dress, afterwards they all 
raised a loud shout together, signifying that they were pleased. 
By imitating their signs, we inspired them in some measure with 
confidence, so that they came near enough for us to toss to them 
some little bells and glasses, and many toys, which they took and 
looked at, laughing, and then came on board without fear, among 
them were two kings, more beautiful in form and stature than can 
possibly be described ; one was about forty years old, the other 
about twenty-four, and they were dressed in the following manner : 
The oldest had a deer's skin around his body, artificially wrought 
in damask figures, his head was without covering, his hair was 
tied back in various knots ; around his neck he wore a large chain 
ornamented with many stones of different colours. The young man 
was similar in his general appearance. This is the finest looking 
tribe, and the handsomest in their costumes, that we have found in 
our voyage. They exceed us in size, and they are of a very fair 
complexion ( ?) ; some of them incline more to a Avhite (bronze?), 
and others to a tawny colour ; their faces are sharp, their hair long 
and black, upon the adorning of which they bestow great pains ; 

XX barchette di genti che venivano con varj gridi e maraviglie intorno 
alia nave non approssimandosi piii che cinquanta passi fermavansi 
vedendo lo edifizio nostro efEgie ed abite : di poi tutti insieme spande- 
vano un altro grido, siguificando rallegrarsi assicuratigli alquanto imi- 
tando loro gesti si approssimurono tanto che gitammo loro alcuni sonagli 
e speccbj e molte fantasie quale prese con riso e riguardandole sicura- 
mente nella nave entrorno. Erano infra quelli duo re de tanta bella 
statura e forma quanto narrare sia possibile il primo d' anni 40 in circa 
r altro d' anni 24, 1'abito de' quali tale era — il phi vecchio sopra il corpo 
uudo aveva una pelle di cervo lavorata artifiziosamante alia damaschina 
con varj ricami, la testa nuda, li capelli aditro avolti con varie legature, 
al collo una catena larga ornata di molte pietri di diversi colori. II 
giovane quasi nella medesima forma. Era questa la piii bella gente e la 
piii gentile di costumi abbiamo trovata in questa navigazione, eccedono 
noi di grandezza. sono di colore bianchissimo. alcuni peudono piii in 
bianchizza ma altri in colore flavo, il viso profilato, i capegli lunghi c 


tlieir eyes are black and sharp, their expression mild and pleasant, 
greatly resembling the antique. I say nothing to your Majesty of 
the other parts of the body, which are all in good proportion, and 
such as belong to well formed men. Their women are of the same 
form and beauty, very graceful, of fine countenances and pleasing 
appearance in manners and modesty ; they wear no clothing except 
a deer skin, ornamented like those worn by the men ; some wear very 
rich lynx skins upon their arms, and various ornaments upon their 
heads, composed of braids of hair, which also hang down upon 
their breasts on each side; others wear different ornaments, such 
as the women of Egypt and Syria use. The older and the married 
people, both men and women, wear many ornaments, in their ears, 
hanging down in the oriental manner. We saw upon them several 
pieces of wrought copper, which is more esteemed by them than 
gold, as this is not valued on account of its colour, but is considered 
by them as the most ordinary of the metals, — yellow being the 
colour especially disliked by them ; azure and red are those in high- 
est estimation with them. Of those things which we gave them, they 
prized most highly the bells, azure crystals, and other toys to hang 
in their ears and about their necks ; they do not value or care to 

neri nei quali pongono grandissimo studio in adornargli, gli occhi neri e 
pronti, la aria dolce e soave imitando molto 1' antico. Delle altre parti 
del corpo uon dird a V.S.M. tenendo tutte le proporzione del corpo 1' ap- 
partiene a uno bene composto. Le donne loro souo della medesima 
forma e belleza molto graziose e di venusta aira e grato aspetto di cos- 
tumi e continentia, nude con solo una pelle di cervo ricamata come gli 
uomini alcune alle braccia portano pelle di lupi cervieri molto ricche, il 
capo con varj ornament! di treccie composte de' medesimi capegli che 
pendono dall' uno e 1' altro lato del petto. Alcune hanno altre accon- 
ciature come le donne d' Egitto e di Soria usano, e queste sono quelle 
che eccedono alia eta e giunte in spozalizio agli orecchi tengono varie 
fautasie pendenti come gli oriental! costumano cos! gli uomini come le 
donne a qual! vedemmo molte lamine di rame lavorate da quell! tenute 
!n pregio piu che 1' oro ; il quale per il colore non stimano ; imperocche 
fra tutti i metalle da loro per il piii vile e tenuto per il giallo colore che 
aborrono, lo azzurro ed il rosso sopra ogni altro esaltando. Quello die 
da no! gli fii donato che piii tenessino in prezzo erano sonagli, cristal- 
lin! azzurri ed altre fantasic da tenere agli orecchj ed al collo non prez- 


have silk or gold stuffs, or other kind of cloth, nor implements of 
steel or iron. When we showed them our arms, they expressed no 
admiration, and only asked how they were made ; the same was the 
case with the looking-glasses, which they returned to us, smiling, 
as soon as they had looked at them. They are very generous ; giv- 
ing away whatever they have. We formed a great friendship with 
them, and one day we entered into the port Avith our ship, having 
before rode at the distance of a league from the shore, as the wea- 
ther was adverse. They came off to the ship with a number of their 
little boats, with their faces painted in divers colours, showing us 
real signs of joy, bringing us of their provisions, and signifying to 
us where we could best ride in safety with our ship, and keeping 
with us until we had cast anchor. We remained among them fif- 
teen days, to provide ourselves with many things of which we 
were in want, during which time they came every day to see our 
ship, bringing with them their wives, of whom they were very 
careful ; for although they came on board themselves, and remain- 
ed a long while, they made their wives stay in the boats, nor could 
we ever get them on board by entreaties or any presents we could 
make them. One of the two Kinsrs often came with his Queen and 

zano drappi di seta o di oro o di oltri generi di drappi, ne si curano 
quelli avere, simile de metalli come acciajo ferro, perche piri volte mos- 
trandoli delle nostra armi non ne pigliavano ammirazione e di quelle 
domandavano solo lo artifizio risguardando delli specchj il simile facevano 
subito quelli guardando, ridendo renunziavano. Sono molto liberali che 
tutto quello hanno donato. Facemmo con loro grande amista ed uno 
giorno avante entrassimo con la nave nel porto stando per li tempe 
adversi una lega nel mare surti venivano con un numero di loro bar • 
chette alia nave puntata ed acconci il viso con varj colori mostraudoci 
vero segno di allegrezza putandone delle loro vivande, facendoci segno 
dovo per salvazione della nave nel porto avessimo a surgere di continue 
accompagnandone perfino a quello posammo la ancora, pel quale posam- 
ma giorni quindici restaurandone di molta opportunita, dove ogui giorno 
veniva gente a vedere alia nave menaudo le loro donne delle quali sono 
molto curiosi imperocche entrando loro in quella dimorando lungo spazio 
facevano le loro donne aspettare nelle barchette e con quanti prieghi li 
faccssimo ofterendo dooare loro varie cose non era possibile che lacias- 
siuo quelle in nave entrare e molte volte vcnendo uno delli duo re con la 


many attendants, to see us for his amusements ; but he always 
stopped at the distance of about two hundred paces, and sent a 
boat to inform us of his intended visit, saying they would come and 
see our ship, — this was done for safety, and as soon as they had an 
answer from us they came off, and remained awhile to look around ; 
but on hearing the annoying cries of the sailors, the king sent his 
queen, with her attendants, in a very light boat, to wait, near an 
island a quarter of a league distant from us, while he remained a 
long time on board, talking with us by signs and expressing his 
fanciful notions about everything in the ship, and asking the use 
of all. After imitating our modes of salutation, and tasting our 
food, he courteously took leave of us. "Sometimes, when our men 
stayed two or three days on a small island near the ship for their 
various necessities, as sailors are wont to do, he came with seven 
or eight of his attendants to inquire about our movements, often 
asking us if we intended to remain long, and offering us every- 
thing at his command ; and then he would shoot with his bow, 
and run up and down with his people, making gi'eat sport for us. 
We often went five or six leagues into the interior, and found the 
country as pleasant as is possible to conceive, adapted to cultiva- 

regina e molti gentili uomini per suo piacere a vedere in prima si fer- 
mava sempre a una terra distante da noi 200 passi, mandando una 
barchetta, ad avisarne della sua venuta, dicendo volare venire a vedere 
la nave, questo facendo in spezie di sicurta, e come da noi avevano la 
risposta subito venivauo e stati alquanto a risguardare sentendo il nojoso 
clamore della turba marittima mandava la regina con le sue damigelle 
in una barchetta molto leggiera a riposare ad una isola distante da noi 
un quarto de lega restando in grandissimo spazio ragionando per segni 
e questi di varie fantasie riguardando tutte le sostanze della nave 
domandando in particolare la proprieta di quelle imitando i nostri saluti, 
gustando i nostri cibi, di poi benignamente da noi si partiva ed alcuna 
volta due e tre giorui stando le nostre genti ad una isola piccola vicina 
alia nave per varie necessita come e costume de' marinaj veniva con 7 o 8 
de suoi gentili uomini in quella guardando nostre operazioni, doman- 
dandone piii volte se volevamo restar quivi per lungo tempo ofFerendone 
cgni sua faculta, di poi tirando con 1' arco correndo faceva con li suoi 
gentili uomini varj giuochi per darne piacere fummo piii volte infra 
terra v o vi leghe quale trovammo tanto amena quanto narrare sia possi- 


tion of every kind, whether of corn, wine, or oil ; there are often 
plains twenty-five or thirty leagues in extent, entirely free from 
trees or other hindrances, and of so great fertility, that whatever 
is sown there will yield an excellent crop. On entering the woods, 
we observed that they might all be traversed by an army ever so 
numerous ; the trees of which they were composed were oaks, 
cypresses, and others unknown in Europe. We found also apples, 
plums, filberts, and many other fruits, but all of a diff'erent kind 
from ours. The animals, which are in great numbers, as stags, 
deer, lynxes, and many other species, are taken by snares and by 
bows, the latter being their chief implement; their arrows are 
wrought with great beauty, and for the heads of them they use 
emery, jasper, hard marble, and other sharp stones in cutting 
down trees, and with them they construct their boats of single logs, 
hollowed out with admirable skill, and sufficiently commodious to 
contain ten or twelve persons ; their oars are short, and broad at 
the end, and are managed in rowing by force of the arms alone, 
with perfect security, and as nimbly as they choose. We saw 
their dwellings, which are of a circular form, of about ten or twelve 
paces in circumference, made of logs split in halves, without any 

bile, atta a ogni genere di cultura frumento, vino, olio, imperocche in 
quella sono campagne larghe xxv in xxx leghe aperte e nude d' ogni 
impedimento d' arbori, di tanta fertilita che qualsivoglia seme in quella 
produrebbe ottimo frutto. Entrando poi nelle selve tutte a ogni nume- 
roso esercito in qual modo sia sono penetrabili, delle quali gli arbori 
sono quercie, cipressi, ed attri incogniti nella Europa, Trovammo pomi 
luculliane prune, avellane e molte altre frutte. II genere di esse e dif- 
ferente dalle nostra. Animali vi sono di grandissimo numero, cervi, 
daini lupi cervieri, e di altre spezie quali nel modo degli altre pigliano 
con lacci, archi, che sono per loro principale arme, le freice de quali 
sono con molta pulchritudine lavorate ponendo nella esfcremita per ferro 
smeriglio, diaspro e duro marmore ed altre taglienti pietre delle quali si 
servono per ferro nel tagliare alberi e fabricare le loro barchette di un 
solo fusto di legno con mirabile artifizio concavo, nella quale commo- 
damente andra x o xii uomini, ed il remo corto nella estremita larga 
operande quel solo con forza di braccia in pelago senza alcuno pericolo, 
con tanta velocita quanto a loro piace e stendendoci vedemmo loro abita- 
zione in forma circolare di x in xii passi di ambito fabricate di semi- 


regularity in architecture, and covered with roofs of straw, nicely 
put on, which protect them from wind and rain. There is no 
doubt that they would build stately edifices if they had workmen 
as skilful as ours; for the whole sea- coast abounds in shining; 
stones, crystals, and alabaster, and for the same reason it has posts 
and retreats for animals. They change their habitations from 
place to place as circumstances of situation and season may re- 
quire. This is easily done, as they have only to take with them 
their mats, and they have other houses prepared at once. The 
father and the whole family dwell together in one house in great 
numbers : in some we saw twenty-five or thirty persons. Their 
food is pulse, as with the other tribes ; which is here better than 
elsewhere, and more carefully cultivated. In the time of sowing 
they are governed by the moon, the sprouting of grain, and many 
other ancient usages. They live by hunting and fishing, and they 
are long lived. If they fall sick, they cure themselves without 
medicine, by the heat of the fire ; and their death at last comes 
from extreme old age. We judge them to be very affectionate and 
charitable towards their relatives, making loud lamentations in 
their adversity, and in their misery calling to mind all their good 

circoli di legno separate 1' una dall altra sensa ordine d' architectura, 
coperte di tele di paglia sottilmente lavorate che da vento e pioggia li 
difendono, non e dubbio se avissino la perfezione degli artifizj, noi abi- 
amo che conducessino magni edifizj, imperocche tutto il lito marittirao 
di vive pietre d' auralee e cristalline e di alabastro e pieno e per tale 
causa e copiose di porti e ricettacoli di animali. Perrautano le dette 
cose di uno in altro luogo secondo la esperienza del cito ed il tempo in 
quello dimorati — levano solo ie tele, in uno stante hauno altre abita- 
zioni fabricate e dimora, in ciascheduna padre e famiglia in grandis- 
simo numero e in qualche vma vedemmo xxv o xxx anime ed il vivere 
lore e come gli altri di legumi i quali producono con piii ordine di cul- 
tura, degli altri asservando uelle semenze lo influsso lunare il nasci- 
mento delle biade e molte modi dall antichi dati — in oltre di venagione 

e pesci — vivono lungo tempo. In egritudine incorromo se da 

sono oppress! senza flemito col fuoco da loro medesimi si sanano ed il 
fine loro e della ultima vecchieza quidichiamo sieno di loro prossimi 
molto pietosi e caritativi, facendo nelle adversita gran lamenti, nelle 
miserie ricordando tutte le loro felicita ed i parenti 1' uno con 1' altro 



fortune. At their departure out of life, their relations mutually 
join in weeping, mingled with singing, for a long while. This is 
all that we could learn of them. 

This region is situated in the parallel of Rome, being 41° 40' of 
north latitude; but much colder, from accidental circumstances, 
and not by nature, as I shall hereafter explain to your Majesty, and 
confine myself at present to the description of its local situation. 
It looks towards the south, on which side the harbour is half a 
league broad ; afterwards, upon entering it, the extent between the 
coast and north is twelve leagues; and then enlarging itself, it 
forms a very large bay, twenty leagues in circumference, in which 
are five small islands of great fertility and beauty, covered with 
large and lofty trees. Among these islands any fleet, however 
large, might ride safely, without fear of tempests or other dangers. 
Tvirning towards the south, at the entrance of the harbour, on both 
sides, there are very pleasant hills, and many streams of clear 
water which flow down to the sea. In the midst of the entrance 
there is a rock of freestone, formed by nature, and suitable for the 
construction of any kind of machine or bulwark for the defence of 
the harbour.^ 

nel fine di loro vita usano il pianto siciliano misto con canto per lungo 
tempo durando. E questo e quanto di loro potessimo comoscere. Questa 
terra ^ situata nel paralello di Roma in gradi 41f ma alquanto pi^ 
fredda per accidente, non per natura, come in altra parte narrero a 
V.S.M. descrivendo al presente 11 sito di detto posto guarda verso lo 
austro augusta mizza lega dipoi entrando in quello infra oriente e set- 
tentrione s' estende leghe xii dove allargandosi causa uno amplissimo 
seno di circuito di leghe xx in circa nel quale sono v. isolette di molta 
fertilita e vaghezza piene di alti e spatioso alberi infra le quali isole 
ogni numero di classe senza timore di tempesta o di altro impedimento 
di fortuna secura pu6 quiescere. Tornando por verso meridio alia en- 
trata del porto all' uno e 1' altro lato sono amenissimi colli con molti rivi 
che dalla eminenza al mare soaturiscono chiare acque. Nel mezzo della 
bocca si trova uno scoglio di viva pietra dalla natura prodotto atto a 
fabbricarvi qual si vuole maccbina o propugnacolo per custodia di 

^ The above description ai^plies to Narraganset Bay aud the harbour of 
Newport in Rhode Island, although mistaken by Dr. ftliller, in his discourse 


Having supplied ourselves with everything necessary, on the 
fifth of May we departed from the port, and sailed one hundred and 
fifty leagues, keeping so close to the coast as never to lose it from 
our sight. The nature of the country appeared much the same as 
before ; but the mountains were a little highei', and all, in appear- 
ance, rich in minerals. We did not stop to land, as the weather 
was very favourable for pursuing our voyage, and the country pre- 
sented no variety. The shore stretched to the east ; and, fifty 
leagues beyond, more to the north, where we found a more elevated 
country full of very thick woods of fir trees, cypresses, and the like, 
indicative of a cold climate. The people were entirely different 
from the others we had seen, whom we had found kind and gentle ; 
but these were so rude and barbarous that Ave were unable, by any 
signs we could make, to hold commvinication with them. They 
clothe themselves in the skins of bears, lynxes, seals, and other 
animals. Their food, as far as we could judge by several visits to 
their dwellings, is obtained by hunting and fishing, and certain 

Essendo di ogni nostra opportunita restaurati il giorno sei di maggio 
partimino dall detto porto continuando il lito non j^erdendo mai la vista 
della terra navigammo leghe 150, trovandola di una modesima natura cd 
alquanto piii alta con alcune montagne che tutte si mostravano minerali, 
non posammo a quella per la prosperita del tempo ne serviva in rigare 
la costa pensammo fosse all' altra conforme — correva il lito alio oriente, 
in spazio de leghe 50 teuando piii al settentrione trovammo una terra 
alta plena di selve molto folte delle quali li alberi furono abeti, cipressi, 
e simili che si generano in regione fredda, la gente tutte dalle altre dif- 
forme e quanto i passati erano d' ogni gesto gentili, questi erano di ruvi- 
dezza e visi tanto barbari, che mai potemmo cou quanti segnali li faces- 
simo avere con loro conversazione alcuna vestono di pelle di orsi, di 
lupi cervieri consocere andando piii volte dove avevano la abitatazioue 
stemiamo le piii volte sia di venagione e pesci e di alcuni frutti che sono 

before this Society (as published in the first vokime of the former series of 
Collections), for the bay and harbour of New York. The latter are briefly 
described in a preceding paragraph of this translation (p. 45) witli sufficient 
clearness to admit of their being easily recognized. The island, "of a trian- 
gular form, resembling the island of Rhodes" (wliich Verrazzano mentions 
as fifty leagues to the east of New York, — p. 4G), is doubtless Bkck Island. 
— Goijswcll. 


fruits, which are a sort of root of spontaneous growth. They have 
no pulse, and we saw no signs of cultivation. The land appears 
sterile, and unfit for growing of fruit or grain of any kind. If we 
wished at any time to traffick with them, they came to the sea 
shore and stood upon the rocks, from which they lowered down by 
a cord, to our boats beneath, whatever they had to barter, conti- 
nually crying out to us not to come nearer, and instantly demand- 
ing from us that which was to be given in exchange. They took 
from us only knives, fish-hooks, and sharpened steel. No regard 
was paid to our courtesies. "When we had nothing left to exchange 
with them, the men at our departure made the most brutal signs 
of disdain and contempt possible. Against their will we penetrated 
two or three leagues into the interior with twenty-five men. When 
we came to the shore, they shot at us with their arrows, raising 
the most horrible cries, and afterwards fleeing to the woods. In 
this region we found nothing extraordinary, except vast forests and 
some metalliferous hills, as we infer from seeing that many of the 
people wear copper earrings. 

Departing from thence, we kept along the coast, steering north- 
east, and found the country more pleasant and open, free from 

spezie di radici quale la terra per se medisima produce. Non hanno 
legumi ne vedemmo segno alcuno di culturse nemmeno farebbe la terra 
per la sterilita non alta a producere frutto o seme alcuno. Se da quegli 
alcuna volta renunziando volevamo delle loro cose ue veuivano al lito 
del mare sopra alcune pietre dove, piii frangeva e stando noi nel batello 
con una corda, quello clie volevan dare ci maudevano, coutinuo gridando 
alia terra non ci approssimassimo, domandando subito il cambio alio 
incontro, non pigliando se non coltelli, lami da pescare e metallo tagli- 
ente, ne stimavano gentiliezza alcuna, e quando non avevamo piii che 
permutare da loro partendo gli uomini ne facevauo tutti gli atti di dis- 
pregio e verecondia che puo fare ogui brutta creatura. Fummo contra 
loro volouto dentro fra terra due o tre leghe xxv uomini e quando scen- 
devano al lito ci tiravano con loro archi mettando gridi grandissimi, poi 
si fuggivauo nelle selve. Non connoscemmo iu questa terra facolta di 
momento alcuuo se non graudissime selve con alcuni colli possono avere 
qualche metallo che a molti vedemmo pater uostri di rame alii orecchi. 
Partimmo scoreudo la costa infra oriente e setteiitrione quale trovammo 


woods ; and distant in the interior we saw lofty mountains, but 
none which extended to the shore. Within fifty leagues we dis- 
covered thirty-two islands, all near the mainland, small, and of 
pleasant appearance ; but high, and so disposed as to afford excel- 
lent harbours and channels, as we see in the Adriatic Gulf, near 
Illyria and Dalmatia. We had no intercourse with the people ; 
but we judge that they were similar in nature and usages to those 
we were last among. After sailing between east and north the 
distance of one hundred and fifty leagues more, and finding our 
provisions and naval stores nearly exhausted, we took in wood and 
water, and determined to return to France, having discovered 502, 
that is 700 (s?c) leagues of unknown land. 

As to the religious faith of all these tribes, not understanding 
their language, we could not discover either by sign or gestures 
any thing certain. It seemed to us that they had no religion nor 
laws, nor any knowledge of a First Cause or Mover, that they wor- 
shipped neither the heavens, stars, sun, moon, nor other planets ; 
nor could we learn if they were given to any kind of idolatry, or 
offered any sacrifices or supplications, or if they have temples or 
houses of prayer in their villages ; our conclusion was, that they 
have no religious belief whatever, but live in this respect entirely 

piu bella, aperta e nuda di selve con alte montagne dentro infra terra 
diminuendo verso il lito del mare — in leghe cinquanta discoprimmo xxxii 
isole tutte propinque al continente, piccole e di grata prospettiva, alte 
tenendo la verzura della terra fra le quali si causava bellissimi porti e 
canali come uel seno adriatico, nella Ilirede e Dalmazia fanno. Non 
avemma cou la gente conoscenza e stimiamo come le altre lasciate di 
costumi e natura siano. Navigando infra '1 subsolano ed acquilone in 
spazio di leghe 150 e di gik avendo consumato tutte le nostre sostauze 
navali e vettovaglie, avendo discoperto leghe 502 cioe leghe 700 piii di 
nuova terra fornendoci di acque e legue deliberammo di tornare in 

Quanto alia fede tenegono tutti questi popoli abbiamo trovate per 
mancamento di lingue non possemmo conoscere ue per segni o gesti 
alcuni. Consideriamo tenessino legge o fede alcuna, ne conoscono una 
per una causa e motore ne venerasino cielo o stelle. Sole luna o altri 
pianeti, ne manco tenessino spezie di idolatria ne conoscemmo facessino 
sagriflcio o altre preci ne in la loro populazione hauno tempj o case di 


free. All which proceeds from ignorance, as they are very easy to 
be persuaded, and imitated us with earnestness and fervour in all 
which they saw us do as Christians in our acts of worship. 

It remains for me to lay before your Majesty a cosmograjihical 
exposition of our voyage.' Taking our departure, as I before 

orazione. Stimiamo non tenghino fede alcuna ma vivino in questa 
libertk, e tutto dalla ignoranza precede perche sono molti facili a persua- 
dere tutto quello hanno i cristani circa il culto divino vendevano fare e 
facevano con quello stimolo e fervore che noi facciamo. 

Restami a narrare a V. S. M. 1' ordine di detta navigazione circa la 
cosmographia.^ Come di sopra dissi partendo dalli prefati scoperti che 

' In the remainder of this letter, which is chiefly cosmographical, Verraz- 
zano shows how many degrees farther westward he had sailed, than the kuow- 
ledge of the ancients extended, and how erroneous were their notions about 
the relative proportions of land and water, on the earth's surface. As to the 
first point, the whole calculation it will be observed is based upon an error in 
estimating his meridional distance, which is too large by nearly one half, and 
of course his difference of longitude in the same proportion; but this is no 
disparagement to his nautical skill, for navigation was in its infancy at the 
time of his voyage, and he had not the aid of a lunar observation or a chro- 
nometer to correct his dead reckoning. Nor does it appear from the letter 
precisely in what way he determined his ship's progress ; hesp.ys only that he 
took observations of the sun (probablj' with an astrolabe as the quadrant had 
not then been invented), and that he kept notes of his daily run ; but the 
whole account, and particularly his deductions respecting the relative 
proportion of land and water, prove how very imjierfect all such knowledge 
then was. This part of the letter is now, we believe, for the first time, 
translated into English. In giving it this new dress we have endeavoured 
to keep as close as possible to the original ; but such is its obscurity and 
confusedness of expression, that we do not venture to assert we have derived 
the exact meaning of every passage ; still we are confident that no essential 
idea has been omitted or mistranslated. In the numerical computations the 
fractional parts are neglected, as they were found to be often wrong, owing 
most likely to the copyist's carelessness, and as they are not important to the 
right understanding of the statements. Cogswell. 

2 Some very summary remai'ks about this cosmographical appendix will 
be found in tlie introduction. If it was the object of the present book to 
illustrate the voyage of Verazzano, not that of Hudson, the cosmographical 
appendix ought to have been treated at great length, as being one of the 
most curious monuments of geographical literature. Its complete elucida- 
tion requires however a very a)nple commentary ; and it would be un- 
justifiable if we were to introduce such a treatise into the present already 
somewhat ovcrgiuwn volume. 


observed from the above mentioned desert rocks, which lie on the 
extreme verge of the west, as known to the ancients, in the me- 
ridian of the Fortunate Islands, and in the latitude of 32 degrees 
north from the equator, and steering a westward course, we had 
run, when we first made land, a distance of 1200 leagues or 4800 
miles, reckoning according to nautical usage four miles to a league. 
This distance calculated geometrically, upon the usual ratio of the 
diameter to the circumference of the circle, gives 92 degrees ; for 
if we take 114 degrees as the chord of an arc of a great circle, we 
have by the same ratio 95 degrees as the chord of an arc on the 
parallel of 34 degrees, being that on which we first made land, and 
300 degrees as the circumference of the whole circle, passing 
through this plane. Allowing, then, as actual observations show, 
that 62j terrestrial miles correspond to a celestial degree, we find 
the whole circumference of 300 degrees as just given to be 18,759 
miles, which divided by 360, makes the length of a degree of lon- 
gitude in the parallel of 34 degrees to be 52 miles, and that is the 
true measure. Upon this basis, 1200 leagues, or 4800 miles 
meridional distance, on the parallel of 34, give 92 degrees, and so 
many therefore have we sailed farther to the west than was known 

son situate nel fine dello occidente alii antichi noto, e nel meridiano de- 
scritto per le insule fortunate in latitudine gradi 32 dallo equatore del 
nostro emisperio navigando alio occidente perfino alia prima terra tro- 
vammo leghe 1200, che contengono miglia 4800, computando miglia 
quattro per lega secondo lo uso marittimo degli navelerii geometrice 
giusta la proj^orzione tripla settima del diametro alia circonferenza gradi 
92 J, ^, ^, ^, 4, -g-, con cio sla che essendo la corda del arco del massimo 
circolo gradi 114-6. e la corda del paralello gradi 34, della prima terra 
da noi trovata alia medesima proporzione gradi 95-2_^ S.^ A^ essere si nostra 
r ambito di tutto il circolo gradi 300 3- ii che dando per ogni grade 
come confermano la maggiore parte di quelli che hanno specimentato 
rispondere in terra alia proporzione del cielo miglia 62J fariano miglia 
18759-3 4^ quale ripartite in 360 perveneria per ciascheduno miglio 
521 -2.^ 8^ B^^ e tanto vale uno grade di longitudine in detto paralello di 
gradi 34. Sopra il quale per la retta del merideano di detti scoperti che 
stanno in gradi 32 abbiamo calculata la ragione in questo che le dette 
leghe 1200 per retta linea in gradi 34 da occidente in oriente abbiamo 
trovato, pervenia adunque per quella gradi 92.^^4^ 4. .6,^ 4^ ^^ e tanto abbi- 


to the ancients. During our voyage we had no lunar eclipses or 
like celestial phenomenas, we therefore determined our progress 
from the difference of longitude, which we ascertained by various 
instruments, by taking the sun's altitude from day to day, and by 
calculating geometrically the distance run by the ship from one 
horizon to another ; all these observations, as also the ebb and 
flow of the sea in all places, were noted in a little book, which 
may prove serviceable to navigators ; they are communicated to 
your Majesty in the hope of promoting science. 

My intention in this voyage was to reach Cathay, on the extreme 
coast of Asia, expecting, however, to find in the newly discovered 
land some such an obstacle as they have proved to be, yet I did 
not doubt that I should penetrate by some passage to the eastern 
ocean. It was the opinion of the ancients, that our oriental Indian 
ocean is one, and without any interposing land; Aristotle supports 
it by arguments founded on various probabilities ; but it is con- 
trary to that of the moderns, and shown to be erroneous by expe- 
rience. The country which has been discovered, and which was 
unknown to the ancients, is another world compared with that 

amo navigato piu alio occidente e non fu cognito alii antichi, nel detto 
paralello de gradi 34, questa distanza a noi fu uota per la longitudine 
con varj strumente navigando senza eclissi lunari o altro aspetto per al 
moto solare pigliando sempre la elevazione a qual si voglia era per la 
difFerenza faceva dall uno all' altro orizzonte correndo le nave geome- 
trice, ne era noto lo intervallo dall uno meridiano all' altro come in un 
libretto tutto amplamente notato insieme col crescimento del mare in 
qualsivoglia clima ad ogni tempo ed ora il quale non inutile stimo abbia 
a essere a naviganti, spero meglio per la teorica conferilo a V. S. M. 
Mia intenzione era di pervenire in questa navigazione al Cathaj alio 
estremo oriente dell Asia pensando trovare tale impediment© di nuova 
terra quale ho trovata, e se per qualche ragione pensava quella trovare 
non senza qualche futo di penetrare alio oceano oriontale essere stimava 
questa opinione di tutti gli antichi e stata credendo certamente il nostro 
oceano orientale di India uno essere senza interpozeone di terra queste 
afFerma Aristotile argomentando per varie similitudini la quale opinione 
e molto contraria a moderni e la esperienza falsa imperocche la terra e 
stata trovata da quegli antichi incognita un altro mondo a rispetto di 
quella a loro fu noto — manifestamente essere si mostra e di maggiore 


before knovm, being manifestly larger than our Europe together 
with Africa and perhaps Asia, if we rightly estimate its extent. 
We shall now be briefly explained to your Majesty. The Spaniards 
have sailed south beyond the equator, on a meridian 20 degrees 
west of the Fortunate Islands, to the latitude of 54 ; and there still 
found land. Turning about, they steered northward on the same 
meridian, and along the coast to the eighth decree of latitude, near 
the equator ; and thence along the coast, more to the west and 
north-west, to the latitude of 21°, without finding a termination to 
the continent. They estimated the distance run as 89 degrees, 
Avhich, added to the 20 first run west of the Canaries, make 109 • 
degrees ; and so far west they sailed fi'om the meridian of these 
islands. But this may vary somewhat from truth. We did not 
make this voyage, and therefore cannot speak from experience. 
We calculated it geometrically from the observations furnished by 
many navigators who have made the voyage, and afiirm the distance 
to be 1600 leagues, due allowance being made for the deviations of 
the ship from a straight course by reason of contrary winds. I 
hope that we shall now obtain certain information on these points 
by new voyages to be made on the same coasts. 

della nostra Europa, della Africa e quasi della Asia se rettamente specu- 
liamo la grandezza di quella come sotto brevita ne faro un poco di dis- 
corso a V. S. M. Oltre lo equatore distante dal meridiano dalle insule 
fortunate verso lo occidente 2;radi 20 A 2. o. _6. o. gU spani verso lo austro 

° 47281* ^ 

gradi 54, hanno navigato dove hanno trovato terra senza fine tornando 
poi al settentrione giusta la detta linea meridionale correndo il lito per- 
fino in 8 gradi propinqui alio equatore pivi alio occidente participando 
piii al settentrione giusta la detta linea meridionale continuando il lito 
perfino in gradi 21, non trovando termine gradi 89 2 4 i ^ hanni na- 
vigato quali giunti con gradi 20 A 2_^ 6. 0^ fanno gradi 110 A A 8. 3 
e tanto hanno navigato del detto meridiano dalle isole fortunate piii alio 
occidente nel paralello gradi 21 della altitudine, questa distanza da noi 
non fe stata sperimenta per non avere fatta detta navigazione potria 
variare poco piii manco abbiamo quella calcolata geometrice per la 
notizia di molti navicalieri che la hanno frequentata quali afi'ermano 
essere leghe 1600 giudicando per lo arbitrio il discorso della nave 
secondo la qualita del vento per la continua navigazione spero in breve 


But to return to ourselves. In the voyage which we have made 
by order of your Majesty, in addition to the 92 degrees we run 
towards the west, from our point of departure, before we reached 
land in the latitude of 34, we have to count 300 leagues which we 
ran north-eastwaT'dly, and 400 nearly east, along the coast, before 
we reached the 50th parallel of north latitude, the point where we 
turned our course from the shore towards home. Beyond this 
point the Portuguese had already sailed as far norih as the Arctic 
circle without coming to the termination of the land. Thus, add- 
ing the degrees of south latitude explored, which are 54, to those 
of the north, which are 66, the sum is 120 ; and therefore more 
than are embraced in the latitude of Africa and Europe, — for the 
north point of Norway, which is the extremity of Europe, is in 71 
north ; and the Cape of Good Hope, which is the southern extre- 
mity of Africa, is in 35 south ; and their sum is only 106. And if 
the breadth of this newly discovered country corresponds to its 
extent of sea-coast, it doubtless exceeds Asia in size. In this way 
we find that the land forms a much larger portion of our globe 
than the ancients supposed ; who maintained, contrary to mathe- 
matical reasoning, that it was less than the water; whereas actual 
experience proves the reverse. So that we judge, in respect to 

ne avremo ottima certitudine dall' altra parte noi in questa nostra 
navigazione fatta per ordine di V. S. M. oltra i gradi 92 che dal detto 
meridiano verso lo occidente dalla prima terra trovammo gradi 34 
navigando leghe 300 infra oriente e settentrione leghe 400 quasi alio 
oriente continue il lito della terra siamo pevenuti per infino a gradi 50, 
lasciando la terra che pitl tempo fa trovoruo li Lusitani quali seguimo 
piu al settentrione pervenendo sino al circulo artico il fine lasciendo 
incognito. Giunta adunque la latitudiue settentrionale con la merideonale 
videlicet i gradi 54 con le gradi 66 fanno gradi 120 che tanto contiene 
di latitudine la Africa con la Europa perche giuugendo lo estremo della 
Europa che souo i limiti di Norvegia che stanno in gradi 71 con lo 
estremo dell' Africa che e il promontori di capo di Buona Speranza in 
gradi 35, faranno solo gradi 106 e se lo equestre di detta terra in parte 
corrosponde al lito marittimo non e dubbio di grandezza la Asia ecceda 
in tal forma troviamo il globo della terra molto maggiore non hanno 
tenuto gli antichi a ripugnanza matematici quelle rispetto alia acqua 
sia minima il che per esperienza lo opposite veggiamo e quante alio 


extent of surface, the land covers as much space as the water. 
And I hope more clearly and more satisfactorily to point out and 
explain to your Majesty the great extent of that new land, or new 
world, of which I have been speaking. 

The continent of Asia and Africa, we know for certain, is joined 
to Europe at the north, in Norway and Russia; which disproves 
the idea of the ancients, that all this part had been navigated, from 
the Cembric Chersonesus eastward as far as the Caspian Sea. 
They also maintained that the whole continent was surrounded by 
two seas situate to the east and west of it ; which seas, in fact, do 
not surround either of the two continents ; for, as we have seen 
above, the land of the southern hemisphere, at the latitude of 54, 
extends eastwardly an unknown distance ; and that of the northern, 
passing the 66th parallel, turns to the east, and has no termination 
as high as the 70th. 

In a short time, I hope, we shall have more certain knowledge 
of these things, by the aid of your Majesty, whom I pray Almighty 
God to prosper in lasting glory, that we may see the most import- 
ant results of this our cosmography in the fulfilment of the holy 
words of the Gospel. 

area corporale, di spazio non meno la terre che la acqua possedere 
giudichiamo come alia presenza meglio spero e con piii ragione espe- 
rimentare e mostrare a V. S. M. tutta quella nuova terra o nuovo mondo 
che disopra abbiamo narrato contiene Insieme congiungeudo alia Asia 
ed Africa et che sappiamo certo porria giungere alia Europa con la 
Norvegia e Russia che sarebbe falso secondo gli antichi quali dal pro- 
montorio de cimbri quasi tutto 11 settentrionale decono essere stato 
navigato alto oriente circuendo circa il mare caspio il medesimo afFer- 
mano resterebbe adunque solo interclusa da due mari situati dallo 
orieutale ed occidentale, e equelle due ne chiude 1' uno e 1' altro perche 
oltre a' gradi 54 della equinoziale verso lo austro s' estende alio oriente 
per lungo spazio e dal settentrionale passando i gradi 66. Seque tor- 
nando in verso lo oriente giungende perfino a gradi 70. Spero con lo 
ajuto di V. S. M. ne avremo in breve migliore certitudine, la quale Dio 
omnipossente prosper! in diuturna fama ad causa veggiarao ottime fine 
di questa nostra cosmografia che si adempie la sacra voce dello evan- 


On board the ship Dolphin, in the port of Dieppe in Normandy, 
the 8th of July, 1524. 

Your humble servitor, 

Janus Verrazzanus. 

gelio — nella nave Delphina iu Normandia in porto di Diepa a di 

8 Luglio, 1524. 

Hurailis Servitor, 

Janus Vekrazzanus. 



(PUKCHAS HIS PiLGKIMES, V. iii, jjp. 518-20.) 

I thought good to adde hither for Barents or Barentsons sake, 
certaine notes which I have found (the one translated, the other 
written by him) amongst Master Hakluyts Paper. 

This was written by William Barentson in a loose paper, 

which was lent mee by the Reuerend Peter Plantius in 

Amsterdam, March the seueu and twentieth, 1609. 

The foure and twentieth of August, stilo nouo, 1595, wee spake 
with the Samoieds, and asked them how the land and sea did lye 
to the east of Way-gates. They sayd, after fine dayes iourney 
going north-east, wee should come to a great sea, going south-east. 
This sea to the east of Way-gats they sayd was called Marmoria, 
that is to say, a calme sea. And they of Ward-house haue told vs 
the same. I asked them if at any time of the yeere it was frozen 
ouer ? They sayd it was. And that sometimes they passed it 
with sleds. And the first of September 1595, stilo nouo, the Russes 
of the lodie or barke affirmed the same ; saying, that the sea 
is sometimes so frozen, that the lodies or barkes going sometimes 
to Gielhsidi from Pechora, are forced there to winter ; which 
Gielhsidi was wonne from the Tartars three yeeres past. 

For the ebbe and flood there, I can find none ; but with the 
winde so runneth the streame. The third of September, stilo nouo, 
the winde was south-west, and then I found the water higher then 
with the winde at north north-east. Mine opinion is grounded on ex- 
perience : that if there bee a passage, it is small, or else the sea 
could not rise with a southerly winde. And for the better proofe to 
know if there were a flood and ebbe, the ninth of September, stilo 


nouo, I went on shoare on the sonth end of the States Hand, where 
the crosse standeth, and layd a stone on the biinke of the water, 
to proue whether there were a tide, and went round about the 
iland to shoote at a hare ; and returning, I found the stone as I left 
it, and the water neither higher nor lowere : which prooueth, as 
afore, that there is no flood nor ebbe. 

A Treatise of Tver Boty a Gronlander, translated out of the Norsh 

language into High Dutch, in the yeere 1500. And after out of High 

Dutch into Low Dutch, by William Barentson of Amsterdam, who 

was chiefe Pilot aforesaid. The same copie in High Dutch 

is in the hands of lodocvs Hondivs, which I haue seene. 

And this was translated out of Low Dutch by Master 

William Stere, Marchant,in the yeere 1608, for the 

vse of me Henrie Hudson. William Bareutsons 

Booke is in the hands of Master Peter 

Plantivs, who lent the same vnto me. 

Inprimis, it is reported by men of wisedome and vnderstanding 
borne in Gronland, that from Stad, in Norway, to the east part of 
Island, called Horn-nesse, is seuen dayes sayling right west. 

Item, men shall know, that between Island and Gronland lyeth a 
rifFe called Gombornse-skare. They were wont to haue there pas- 
sage from Gronland. But as they report, there is ice vpon the 
same rifFe, come out of the long north bottome, so that we cannot 
■vse the same old passage, as they thinke. 

Item, from Lono-nesse, on the east side of Island, to the aboue- 
said Horn-nesse, is two dayes sayle to the Brimstone Mount. 

Item, If yoti goe from Bergen in Norway, the course is right 
west, till you bee south of Roke-nesse in Island, and distant from 
it thirteene miles, or leagues. And with this course you shall 
come vnder that high land, that layeth in the east part of Grone- 
land, and is called Swafster. A day before you come there, you 
shall haue sight of a high mount, called Huit-sarke ; and betweene 
Whitsarke and Groneland lyeth a head-land, called Hernoldus 
Hooke ; and thereby lyeth an hauen, where the Norway merchant 
ships were wont to come ; and is called Sound Hauen. 

Item, if a man will sayle from Island to Gronland, hee shall set 

IN Hudson's tossession. 231 

his course to Snofnesse, which is by west Roke-nesse thirteene 
miles or leagues, right west, one day and nights sayling, and after 
south-west to shun the ice that lyeth on Gombornse-skare ; and 
after that one day and night north-west. So shall hee with this 
course fall right with the abouesayd Swafster, which is high land, 
vnder which lyeth the aforesayd head-land, called Hernoldus 
Hooke, and the Sound Hauen. 

Item, the easter dorpe of Groneland lyeth east from Hernoldus 
Hooke, but neere it, and is called Skagen Ford, and is a great vil- 

Item, from Skagen Ford east lyeth a hauen called lieare Ford ; 
it is not dwelt in. In the mouth thereof lyeth a riffe, so that great 
shijjs cannot harbour in it. 

Item, there is great abundance of whales ; and there is a great 
fishing for the killing of them there, but not without the bishop's 
consent, which keepeth the same for the benefit of the cathedrall 
church. In the hauen is a great swalth ; and when the tide doth 
runne out, all the w^hales doe runne into the sayd swalth. 

Item, east of Beare Ford lyeth another hauen, called Allabong 
Sound ; and it is at the mouth narrow, but farther in very wide : 
the length whereof is such, that the end thereof is not yet knowne. 
There runneth no streame. It lyeth full of little iles. Fowles 
and oxen are there common : and it is playne land on both sides, 
growne ouer with greene grasse. 

Item, east from the icie mountajne lyeth an hauen, called 
Fendebother; so named, because in Saint Olafes time there was a 
ship cast away, as the speach hath beene in Groneland, in which 
ship was drowned one of Saint Olafes men, with others ; and those 
that were saued did burie those that were drowned, and on 
their graues did set great stone crosses, which wee see at this 

Item, somewhat more east, toward the ice mountayne, lyeth a 
high land, called Corse Hought, vpon which they hunt white 
beares, but not without the bishops leaue, for it belongeth to the 
cathedrall church. And from thence more easterly, men see 
nothing but ice and snow, both by land and water. 

Now wee shall returne againe to Hernoldus Hooke, where we 
first began to come to the first towne that lyeth on the east side of 


Hernoldus Hooke, called Shagen Ford : and so we will write the 
names of all that lye on the west side of the ford or sound. 

Item, west from Hernoldus Hooke lyeth a dorpe called Kodos- 
ford, and it is well built : and as you sayle into the sound, you 
shall see on the right hand a great sea and a marsh, and into this 
sea runneth a great streame : and by the marsh and sea standeth 
a great church, on which the holy crosse is drawne, of colour 
white : it belongeth to Enelnesse de Hokesong, and the land to 
Peters Wike. 

Item, by Peters Wike lyeth a great dorpe, called Wartsdale, by 
Avhich lyeth a water or sea of twelue miles or leagues ouer, in 
which is much fish : and to Peterswike church belongeth Warts- 
dale Boy or Towne and the villages. 

Item, neere this boy or towne lyeth a cloyster or abbey, in which 
are canons regular ; it is dedicated to Saint Olafes and Saint 
Augustines name. And to it belongeth all the land to the sea-side, 
and toward the other side of the cloyster. 

Item, next Godosford lyeth a ford, called Rompnes Ford : and 
there lyeth a cloyster of nuns of Saint Benedicts order. 

Item, this cloyster, to the bottom of the sea, and to Wegen 
Nerke, was dedicated to Saint Olafe the king. In this ford lye 
many small iles. And to this cloyster belongeth halfe the ford 
and the church. In this sound are many warme waters. In the 
winter they are intollerable hot, but in the summer more moderate ; 
and many bathing in them are cured of many diseases. 

Item, between Rompnes and the next sound, lyeth a great 
garden, called Vose, belonging to the king. There is also a costly 
church dedicated to Saint Nicholas. This church had the king 
before this. Neere it lyeth a sea of fresh water, called , 

in which is great abundance of fish, without number. And when 
there falleth much rayne, that the waters doe rise therewith and 
after fall againe, there remayneth vpon the land much fish drie. 

Item, when you sayle out of Emestnes Ford, there lyeth an inlet, 
called South-woders Wike ; and somewhat higher in the same 
sound, and on the same side, lyeth a little cape, called Bloming ; 
and beyond that lyeth another inwike, called Granwike ; and 
aboue that lyeth a garden, called Daleth, which belongeth to the 
cathedrall church. And on the right hand, as you sayle out of the 

IN Hudson's possession. 233 

same sound, lyetli a great wood, which pertayneth to the church, 
where they feede all their cattell, as oxen, kine, and horses. And 
to the church pertayneth the sound of Emestnes Ford. The high 
land lying by Emestnes Ford is called the Ramos hayth : so called, 
because that on those hills doe runne many roe deere, or reyne 
deere, which they vse to hunt, but not without the bishops Icaue. 
And on this high land is the best stone in all Groneland. They 
make thereof pots, because fire cannot hurt it. And they make of 
the same stone fattes or cisternes, that will hold ten or twelue 
tunnes of water. 

Item, west from this lyeth another high land, called the Long 
High Land : and by another called , whereon are eight 

great orchards, all belonging to the cathedrall church. But the 
tenths thereof they give to Warsedall church. 

Item, next to this sound lyeth another sound, called Swalster 
Ford, wherein standeth a church, called Swalster. This church 
belongeth to all this sound, and to Romse Ford, lying next it. In 
this sound is a garden belonging to the king, called Saint 

Item, next to that lyeth Ericks Ford ; and entring therein lyeth 
an high land called Ericks Hought, which pertayneth the one 
halfe to Deuers Keike, and is the first parish church on Groneland, 
and lyeth on the left hand as you sayle into Ericks Ford : and 
Deuers Kerke belongeth all to Meydon Ford, which lyeth north- 
west from Ericks Ford. 

Item, farther out then Ericks Ford standeth a church, called 
Skogel Kerke, which belongeth to all Medford. And farther in the 
sound standeth a church, called Leaden Kerke. To this church 
belongeth all thereabout to the sea, and also on the other side as 
farre as Bousels. There lyeth also a great orchard, called Grote 
Lead, in which the gusman (that is, a chiefe or bayliff'e ouer the 
boores) doth dwell. 

And farther out then Ericks Ford lyeth a ford or sound, called 
Fossa, which belongeth to the cathedrall church : and the sayd 
Fossa Sound lyeth as men sayle out towards Ericks Ford; and to 
the north of it lye two villages, the one called Euer-boy, and the 
other Forther-boy, because they lye so. 

Item, from thence farther north lyeth Breda Ford, and after 



that Lormont Ford from that west, and from Lormont Ford to the 
west is Ice Dorpe. All these are places built, and in them dwell 

Item, from the easter builded land to the wester dorpe, is twelue 
miles or leagues ; and the rest is all waste land. In the dorpe, in 
the west, standeth a church, which in time past belonged to the 
cathedrall church, and the bishop did dwell there. But now the 
Skerlengers haue all the west lands and dorps. And there are 
now many horses, oxen, and kine, but no people, neither Christian 
nor heathen ; but they were all carryed away by the enemie, the 

All this before written was done by one luer Boty, borne in 
Gronland, a principall man in the Bishops Court, who dwelt there 
many yeeres, and saw and knew all these places. He was chosen 
by the whole land for captayne, to goe with ships to the west land, 
to driue away their enemies, the Skerlengers. But hee coraming 
there, found no people, neither Christian nor heathen, but found 
there many sheepe running, being wilde, of which sheepe they 
tooke with them as many as they could carrie, and with them 
returned to their houses. This beforenamed Indo Boty was 
himselfe with them. 

To the north of the west land lyeth a great wildernesse, with 
clifes or rockes, called Hemel Hatsfelt. Farther can no man 
sayle, because there lye many swalgen or whirlepooles, and also 
for the water and the sea. 

Item, in Groneland are many siluer hills, and many white beares 
with red patches on their heads ; and also white hawkes, and all 
sorts of fish, as in other countries. 

Item, there is marble stone of all colours, also zeuell stone or the 
load stone, which the fire cannot hurt, whereof they make many 
vessels, as pots, and other great vessels. 

Item, in Groneland runneth great streames, and there is much 
snow and ice : but it is not so cold as it is in Island or Norway. 

Item, there grow on the high hills, nuts, and acornes, which are 
as great as apples, and good to eate. There groweth also the 
best whcate that can grow in the whole land. 

This sea card was found in the iles of Fero or Farre, lying 
betweene Shot-land and Island, in an old reckoning booke, written 


aboue one hundred yeeres agoe ; out of which this also was all 

Item, Punnus and Potharse haue inhabited Island certayne 
yeeres, and some times haue gone to sea, and haue had their trade 
in Groneland. Also Punnus did giue the Islanders their lawes, 
and caused them to bee written ; which lawes doe continue to this 
day in Island, and are called by name Punnus lawes. 




(from n. y, hist, soc, n. s., v. i, p. 206.) 

That there should be no miserly desire for the costly metals 
among the natives, few will believe : still it is true, the use of gold 
and silver, or any metallic coin, is unknown among them. The 
currency which they use in their places to which they resort, is 
called wampum, the making and preparing of which is free to all 
persons. The species are black and white ; but the black is worth 
more by one half than the white. The black wampum is made 
from conch shells, which are to be taken from the sea, or which 
are cast ashore from the sea twice a year. They strike off the thin 
parts of those shells, and preserve the pillars or standards, which 
they grind smooth and even, and reduce the same according to 
their thickness, and drill a hole through every piece, and string 
the same on strings, and afterwards sell their strings of wampum 
in that manner. This is the only article of moneyed medium 
among the natives with which any traffic can be driven ; and it is 
also common with us in purchasing necessaries, and carrying on 
our trade. Many thousand strings are exchanged every year for 
peltries, near the sea-shores, where the wampum is only made, and 
where the peltries are brought for sale. 



Descriptio ac delincatio Gcngraphica Dctectionis Freti. Si've 
Transitvs ad Occasuni, supra terras Americanas, in Chinam 
atq: Japonem ducturi, Recens investigati ab M. Henrico 
Hudsono Anglo. Item, Narratio Ser'^°. Regi Hispanice facta, 
super tractu, in quinta Orbis terrarum parte, cui Avstralice 
Incognitce nometi est, recens detecto, per Cap'itaneum Petrum 
Ferdinandez de Quir. Vnd cum descriptioie Terns Sanioie- 
darvm et Tingoesinrvm, in Tartaria ad Ortum Freti Waygats 
sitce nuperq : Imperio Moscovitarum subactce. Amsterodami, 
Ex officina Hesselij Gerardi. Anno 1612. 

Hue quicunq. novas ardes cognoscere terras, 

Hue adeas, atq. isto fonte levato sitim. 
Hie liber extremes Boreaj Cauriq. recessus, 

Et freta iam nautis pervia nosse dabit. 
Pervia ; quid renuis ? possunt, qui posse vidcntur. 

Et maiora dedit sapi videre Deus. 
Si tamen addubitas, turn tu te confer ad Austrum, 

Et lege queis certam fas adhibere fidera. 


LvcRi et iitilitatis spes animos hominum numquam non excitavit 
ad peregrinas regiones nationesq' lustrandas. Ita pretiosae illse 
nobis a mercatoribus Russis allatre pelles mercatores nostrates in- 
flammarunt acin quadam cupidine incognitas nobis ipsorum terras, 
si fieri posset, peragrandi. Profuit ipsis quadam tenus hac in 
parte iter quoddam a Russis conscriptum, Moscovia Colmogroviam, 
atque inde Petzoram (ubi incolse anno Christi 1518 Christianam 
fidem amplexi sunt), hinc porro ad fluvium Obi, pauloque ulterius 


ducens. Quod quidem plnrima falsa veris admiscet, puta de 
Slatibala anu ilia (ut fertur) aurea, eiusque filijs, nee non monstu- 
iosis illis trans ipsum Obi hominibus. Transtulit vero dcscrip- 
tionem banc Russicam, eamque suis de regionibus Moscovitarum 
libris inseruit Sigismundus ab Herberstein, Imperatovis Maximi- 
liani Orator. Ediditque postea tabulam Russise Antonius quidam 
Widus, adjutus ab Joanne a Latski, Pi'incipe quondam Russo, & 
ob tumullus post obituin Magni Duels Joannis Basilij in Russia 
excitatos, in Poloniam profugo. Quae tabula J. cuidam Copero, 
Senatori Gedaensi, dicata, Russicisque & Latinls descriptionibus 
aucta, in lucem prodijt apud Wildam anno Christ! 1555. Aliam 
quoque Russite tabulam ediderunt post modum Angli, qui in tractu 
illo negotiati fuerant. Atque hte quidem tabulae, & qualescunque 
descriptiones, quseque prseterea de regionibus hisce comperta sunt, 
elicuerunt Oliverium quendam Bunellum, domo Bruxella, uti con- 
scenso navigio Euchusano, animura induxerit eo sese conferre. 
Vbi aliquandiu vagatus, & pellium pretiosarum, vitri Russici, crys- 
tallique montani, ut vocant, adfalim nactus, omnium opum suarum 
scaphse commissarum in undis fluvij Perzorse triste fecit naufra- 
gium. Quae tum Anglorum, tum hujus Bunelli, qui & Costinsar- 
cam Novae Zemloe lustraverat, navigationes, cum & Batavis nostris, 
opum Chincnsium Cathaicarumque odore allectis, animum accen- 
dissent, Nobiles ac Prsepotentes Provinciarum Fa3deratarum Or- 
dines, duas naves, ductore Joanne Hugonis a Linschot, versus 
Fretum quod vulgo We3'gats, totidemque ductore Guilielrao Ber- 
nard! suasu D. Petri Plancij, recto supra Novam Zemblam cursu 
Scptemtrionem versus ituras, destinarunt. Et Gullielmus quidem, 
cum pervenisset ad altitudinem graduum 77, ac apud Insulas Oran- 
gasas terram inter & glaciem esset obsessus, Calendis August! 
domum reversus est: Linschotanus vero & Fretum ipsum emesus 
est, & 50 ipsa milliaria ultra illud progressus, tandem & ipse, flan- 
tibus fere perpetuis aquilonibus, temporisque oportunitate jam 
lapsa, coactus ad suos revert!. Anno proxime insecuto, qui fuit 
Christ! 1595, iterum uterque eo cursum instituit, animo signa sua 
ulterius proferendi, vel & navigationem banc feliciter absolvendi. 
Sed enim fiigoris vehementia & immensis glaciei montibus impe- 
diti spe sua frustrati sunt, neque vel ipsum Fretum potuere trans- 
mittere, sed ad Insulam Oidinum cum venissent domuitionem 


parare coacti sunt, metuentes videlicet, ne totum Fretum glacie 
tandem obstrueretur Gulielmus anno 1596, tertium repetito cursu 
non paulo quam primo itinere longius progressus, navim, coagmen- 
tatis e glacie montibus superimpositam, eo quo pervenerat loci 
destituit, in perpetuam extremee ad Septemtrionem navigationis 
memoriam. Cuius veri prodigiosan! Historiam, dolendum interi- 
tum, turbae que nauticse in Hollandiam reditum, qui volet, ex ipso- 
rum Ephemeridibus publice extantibus discat, 

Nos, ut qualemcunque illam, quam mercatores nostri ex itine- 
ribus jam dictis consecuti sunt regionum istarum notitiam, quo ad 
fieri potest, promoveamus, ex hibernis hie narrationem quamdam 
super novo Russorum in Tartariae partibus dominata, quae prseter 
descriptionem Siberia, situm quoque exponit regionum longe trans 
Obij ad Ortum vergentium. 

Adjunximus huic Siberi Septemtrionaliorisq. Tartariae descrip- 
tioni tabulam quamdam omnium illis adjacentium regionum ex 
idiomate Russico versam, & multis in partibus cum accuratis Lins- 
chotani locorum aliquot delineationibus concordantem. In qua 
Russi delinearunt nobis universum ilium Freto Weygats ab ortu 
adludentem Oceanum, & simul viam inde Meridionalem Cathaiam 
ducentem. Sicci autem ilia ipsa via videbitur aequo Septemtriona- 
lia, pro ut sane ex ipso tabulae adspectu apparet : veri simili tamen 
est, usque ad ipsum Obi, vel alium aliquem majorem fluvium mari- 
timo itinere perveniri posse : cum Russi oras istas navigijs suis 
obnaviget, inde que vel scaphis, vel & terrestri itinere, tendant in 
mediterranea, ubi notabilia multa detegi posse, veri simillimum est. 
Quoniam vero Fretum Weygats per ipsam quoque anni aestatem 
tantum ad breve tempus apertum est, ut constat ex Linschotani & 
Gulielmi navigationibus, difficilis admodum foret haec indagatio. 
Videtur enim natura cupiditari nostrae coercendae glaciem ibi & 
frigus, ceu repagula quaedam opposuisse. Nee obstantibus tamen 
hisce tot peritissimorum naucleorum, Gulielmi Bernardi, Jacobi 
Heemskerckij, Joannisque Linschotani exemplis, & parum pros- 
pecte itineris a Kerchovio quodam, nomine Isaaci Lemerij, in eas 
oras facti eventu, ausi sunt imperiti quidam homines apud illustris- 
simos ordines ac rerum maritimarum Consiliarios instare, pro obti- 
ncndo itineris ad Aquilonem supra Novam Zemlam de integro 
reperendi commeatu atque diplomate, temere asserentes, remissius 


esse frigiis ad 80 & 85, quam ad 72, altitudinis gradus, ac prope 
convenientes cum Helisseo Rostino doctore Hanoviensi, qui ad cal- 
cem libelli, Foederatis ordinibus apud Beigas inscripti, palam ad- 
firmat, sestivo tempore, quo proplus polum accesseris, eo esse cali- 
dius, neque posse navigijs uUum a frigore glacieve obstaclum 
adferri. Quin existimabant insuper nostri homines, ut quidem prse 
se ferebant, solem in extremo Septemtrione salem potuis genera- 
turum esse, quara glaciem : obliti videlicet, ipsum solem, qui inibi 
demum operationes suas efficasissime perficit, ubi radios suos ex 
alto directe in terram exerit, in Aquilonaribus illis locis tota hieme, 
ipsisque adeo 23 hebdomadis nunquam splendere : quin & bonam 
sestatis partem usqueadeo deprimi, ut non nisi obliquis radijs 
terram ipsam illustret, neque brevi illo tempore, quo ad gradus 28 
in ipso tantum meridie supra terrse crepidines elevatur, fieri posse 
ut illos e glacie montes dissolvat. Hac itaque opinione imbuti, 
anno superiore 1611 anchoram illi solverunt, idque initio statim 
veris, ne videlicet impedirentur a glacie per sestatem solvenda, 
magnorumque fluminum ostijs evornenda ; quae nulla quidem ipsis 
occurrit, sed enim mare, in quo salem se inventuros speraverent, 
prgeter opinionem, sua ipsius glacie tam dense invenerunt adstric- 
tum ut nihil plane memoria dignum officere potuerint. Quare 
glacie prsepediti, littora Nova Zemla3, ubi et Costensarcam lustra- 
runt, legere, indeque accepto non levi detrimento Kildunam, Lappise 
Insulam pefere, resarciendae ruinae coacti sunt. Vnde rursus 
digressi hibernatum profecti sunt ad littora Novae Francis, sub 44 
graduum altitudine. Vbi quidam eorum Praefectus, alioqui fere in 
triclinio nautico deletescere solitus, cum descendisset in terram, 
barbarorum sagittis, una cum alijs quinque confectus est, longe 
quidem extra suam opinionem, qua persuasus erat se per extremum 
Septemtrionem longinquo supra Novam Zemlam cursu, ad pridem 
quaesitas Cathatam Chinamque, levi negotio perventurum. Et ex 
hoc comitatu altera navium cum Praefecto suo reversa est, altera 
vero Joannes Cornelij cognomento Antropophagus, valde a peritia 
rei nauticae commendatus, rursus ad Aquilonem profectus est, qui 
oportuno tempore plura quam hactenus nobis comperta sint, detoc- 
turus speratur, cuj usque navigationis eventum nos brevi narraturos 
tibi confidimus.' Quonia vero etiam post navigationes praedictas 
Guilielmi Bernard!, viam illam aquilonarem aliquoties Angli adhuc 


tentaverant, visum fuit ante tviennium D. D. Indicse navigationis 
Praefectis eo mittere quendam M. Hudsonum Anglum, qui cum 
nullam ad Ortura viam, sed ejas vicem Oceanum invenlsset glacie 
prorsus obstructum, ad Occasum deflexit, unde sine uUo profectu 
in Angliam appulit. Emissus autem de novo ab Anglis, cursu 
quidem longe prosperiore, at deteriore tamen successu usus est : 
cum enim post varios labores ultra Teriam de Baccalaos 300, cir- 
citer milliaria Occasum versus emensus esset, iniblque ad altitu- 
dine graduum 52 jam hibernasset, & ulterius tendere certus esset, 
ecce non tantum ipse, sed & omnis eius Senatus (ut sic dixerim) 
nauticus scaphse ab importunis nautis impositus, & in undas de- 
missus, ipsi sine more doraum reversi sunt. Nos vero notas ejus 
ad calcem hujus libelli adjunximus, certiora per naves eo jam 
missas, imo optatum de Freto prorsus pervio nuntiura expectates. 
Quae naves hoc ipso seternam sibi fama ac gloriam paraturse sunt : 
tot potentibus vitis, sagacissimisque Naucleris tot jam annos com- 
pendiosam ad Carthaiae, Chinse, Moluccarum, Pernanorumque 
populorum divitias adfectantibus viam : inter quos, prseter nos- 
trates (qui in Aquilone & Oriente sua ediderunt specimina) fuere 
Martinus Forbisherus & Joannes Davisius, qui annis Christi 1585, 
86, 87, inter Terram novam atque Groenlandiam Septemtrionem 
versus currentes pervenerunt ad gradus 72, sed glacie prsepediti, 
re plane infecta, ad sues reversi sunt. 

Confirmatur hsec nuper invent! ab Hudsono supra Terram Novam 
transitus sive Freti spes, Virginianorum Floridanorumque concor- 
dibus testimonijs, diserte adfumantium, terras suas ab Occasu 
ffistivo allui vasto Oceano, in quo & naves Anglicanarum similes 
viderint. Legere quoque est apud Josepbum Acostam cap. 12, 
lib. 3, natural. Indite Occident. Histor. Hispanos sibi habere per- 
suasum, Thomam Candium Anglum certam habuisse Freti istius 
notitiam. Et feruntur Hispani viam banc sedulo occultare, qua 
eorum nonnulli post expugnatas a se Philippinas in Hispaniam 
sunt reversi. Atque hinc adeo est, quod Philippus II, ut ex fide 
nobis relatum est extruendam curavit validam illam arcem ad mare, 
quod vulgo appellant Vermeis, supra Novam Granatam, quo vide- 
licet impediret, ne aut nostrates, aut alij sui hostes, opes illas 
immensas, quas ad mare del Zur pacifice possidet, per banc viam 
aliquando venirent direptum. Quod si ergo hsec via responduit 


suis principijs, compendium sane hominibus nostris futura est, non 
ad Chinas duntaxat, Moluccas, atque Peruviam, sed ad eas etiam 
gentes, quse Australem Maris del Zur tractum incolunt, perlustran- 
das, explorandumque quosnam inibi portus & merces invenire sit. 
Neque defuturum est usquam ijs, qui ad iter hoc se accinxerint, 
nnde refocillentur, nauseamque marinam excutiant, sive ad Insulas 
illas accedant, quas lustravit Antistes Quitensis (de quibus constat 
nobis ex relatione nautse cuisdam nostrates, Episcopi in itinere 
comitis, qui & Amplissimo Barneveldio, & Indicse navigationis 
Praefectis multa hue pertinetia denarravit) sive ad Continentem. 
De quo tractu exhibemus tibi discursum seu relationem Ducis 
cujusdam Hispani, sperantes id non futurum ingratum ijs qui ad 
commercia in ultimis illis Mundi partibus exercenda adspirant, 
qiiive tenentur globi terrestris & Incolarum ejus magis magisque 
cognoscendorum adfectu. Cujus quidem cognitionis studium ut in 
animo tuo accrescat, donee solide perficiatur, utque & opes tibi & 
immortalem gloriam adferat, omnibus votis exopto. 

Hesselius Gerardus Assumensis 



Descriptio ac delineatio Geographica Detectionis Freti. Sive, 
Transitus ad Occasum supra terras Americanas, in Chinam 
atq : Japonem ducturi, Recens investigati ah M. Henrico 
Hudsono Anglo. Item, Exegesis Regi Hispanice facta, super 
tractu recens detecto, in quinta Orbis parte, cui nomen, Avstra- 
lis Incognita. Cum descriptione Terr arum Samoiedartim, et 
Tingcesiorum, in Tartaria ad Ortiim Freti Waygats sitarum, 
nuperq : sceptro Moscovitarum adscitarum. Amsterodami, Ex 
ojficina Hcsselij Gerardi. Anno 1613. 


Qui cupis ignotas Lector cognoscere terras, 

Corpore quas fulgens contegit Vrsa suo, 
Et simul extremes Boreas Cauriq. recessus, 

Et freta iam nautis pervia fluctivagis. 
Quasq. Samojedus commutet vellere merces, 

Quam late Moschus proferat Imperium. 
Impiger Hudsonius freta quse petretraverit, et quae 

Restat adhuc Batavis gloria Martigenis. 
Me pretio parvo redimas animoq. revolvas, 

Sim licet exiguus commoda magna feram. 


Vt antehac novae terrarum detectiones, laboriosissimseque naviga- 
tiones, tarn Hispanorum, quam Anglorura, necnon Batavorum, 
maximo novitatum studiosorum oblectamine, in lucem editae fuere : 
Non alienum a publico commodo duxi, in Theatrum orbis hac 
tabulam Preefecti H. Hudsonis producere de navigatione ipsius 
American!, in Chinam, & Japan : maxime cum viderem earn a 
prsestantissimis viris magnopere expeti : Ne autem ob brevitatem, 


exiguitatemque apud nonnullos vilesceret opusculum hoc adjunxi 
historiam Ducis Petri Fernandez de Queiros, quam in libello sup- 
plici Regi Hispanise exhibito, narrat de regionibus Meridionalibus, 
detectis in mari del Zur ; earn nonnulli magni fecerunt, aliqui qui- 
bus de certitudine rei constat, veram esse asserunt. Octavius 
Pisanus, in sua totius Orbis tabula, quam inversa delineatione, 
circulo comprehendit, de Regionibus a Petro Fernandez de Queiros 
detectis, delineationem suam se coparasse ait, a Nauclero quo- 
dam, statuitque eas a parte occidentali, Limse, cidado de los reyos 
in Peru. Viginti quinque gradus in longitudinem, qui superant 
tricenta, & quinquaginta miliaria Germanica, extenditurque secun- 
dum illius delineationem, plus quam quingenta miliaria Germa- 
nica occidentem versus, at versus Meridiem extenditur usque a 
octogesimum gradum ab ^quatore. Sed cum sujieriori Anno ab 
Illustri Viro Emanuele a figueiredo, Geographise, & Hydrographise 
Professore Vlixbonae, nunciatum esset, Petrum Fernandez a Quei- 
ros nihil Geographise dignum prodidisse, sibiq : relationem tantum 
obscuram delatam esse, situ, latitudine regionum carentem : in- 
super hoc adderet, se diligentius inqusesiturum, num quid apud 
eum esset, quod usui esse possit ; & adhuc cum esse in Curia vol 
Aula Regia Madritij, nee quid certi de profectione ejus statutum 
esse ; Exemplar Octavij Pisani secutus non sum, maxime cum hie 
ex amicis quidam, affirmet apud se esse delineationem Regionum, 
aut Insularum novitu detectarum in Mari del Zur, quam brevi 
impetrabimus, eamq : cum Octavij Pisani delineatione conferemus. 
Cum vero apud Batavos ferbuerit aliquandiu studium investigandi 
transitum, in Chinam & Japoniam, eumque tentarint nonnulli Sep- 
temtrionem versus, nonnulli per Weygats & mare Tartaricum, 
operse pretium duxi, in publicum proferre, quse a Russis proxima 
loca incolentibus detecta sunt. Tabula ab Isaaco Massa ex Idio- 
mate Russorum translata, ut quid de oris Somojedarum sit sentien- 
dum certo constet. Assiduse etiam navigationes Cantabrorum, 
Batavorum, Anglorum in Septentrionum, venatione balaenarum, & 
cuniculorum marinorum, gaudentium, quos Morsas idiomate pro- 
prio Russi nominant videntur quid certi promittere, de oris Novae 
Semlae, Nieulandise, usq : ad Groenlandiam adhuc incognitis, sed 
de futuris contingentibus non est determinata Veritas. 







Sir, — Some time ago, I made, by your Majesty's order, overtures 
to an Amsterdam merchant, named Isaac Le Maire, a wealthy 
man of considerable experience in the East India trade. He 
offered to make himself useful to your Majesty in matters of this 
kind, and intends to form (for this purpose) an association with 
some other merchants. He also wishes to engage the services of 
some mariners, pilots, and sailors, acquainted with northern navi- 
gation, whose services he has provisionally retained. He has now 
repeatedly urged me to give him an answer, and I have always 
told him that your Majesty could not come to any decision in this 
affair before it had been settled, whether the present negotiations 
to obtain a truce for the States General would be successful or not. 

Sire, — J'ai ci-devant confere par commandement de votre Majeste, et 
sur les lettres qu'il lui a plu m'ecrire, avec un marchand d'Amsterdam, 
nomme Isaac Le Maire, lequel est homme riche et bien entendu au fait 
du commerce des Indes d'Orient, desireux d'y servir votre Majeste, sur 
les ouvertures que je lui en ai faites, et de joindre avec lui d'autres 
marchands, comme aussi des pilotes, mariniers et matelots experimentes 
en telles navigations, qu'il dit avoir empeches de prendre parti des le 
temps que je lui en parlai. Or, comme il m'en a presse plusieurs fois, je 
lui ai toujours dit que votre Majeste n'y pouvait prendre aucune resolu- 
tion qu'apres celle des Etats, et le traite de treve qu'on poursuit h 
present fait ou rompu : ce qu'il juge etre bien veritable, et s'est aussi 


Le Maire considered this to be perfectly fair, and was satisfied with 
the answer. But a few days ago he sent to me his brother, to in- 
form me that an English pilot, who has twice sailed in search of a 
northern passage, has been called to Amsterdam by the East India 
Company, to tell them what he had found, and whether he hoped 
to discover that passage. They had been well satisfied with his 
answer, and had thought they might succeed in the scheme. They 
had, however, been unwilling to undertake at once the said ex- 
pedition, and they had only remunerated the Englishman for his 
trouble, and had dismissed him, with the promise of employing 
him next year, 1610. 

The Englishman, having thus obtained his leave, Le Maire, who 
knows him well, has since conferred with him, and has learnt 
his opinions on these subjects ; with regard to which the 
Englishman had also held intercourse with Plancius, a great 
geographer and clever mathematician. Plancius maintains, ac- 
cording to the reasons of his science, and from the information 
given him, both by the Englishman and other pilots, who have 
been engaged in the same navigation, that there must be in the 
northern parts a passage corsesponding to the one found near the 
south pole by Magellan. One of these pilots has been there, three 

contente de cette reponse ; mais 11 m'envoya ici son frere, il y a quelques 
jours, pour me faire entendre qu'un pilote anglois, lequel a ete deux 
fois en mer pour rechercher le passage du nord, auroit ete mande a 
Amsterdam par la Compagnie des Indes d'Orient, pour aj^prendre de lui 
ce qu'il en auroit reconnu, et s'il esperoit de trouver ce passage ; de la 
reponse duquel eux etoient demeures forts contents, et en opinion que 
cette esp6rance pouvoit reussir. lis n'avoient toutefois voulu pour lors 
faire la dite entreprise, mais contente seulement I'Anglois, et renvoy^ 
avec promesse qu'il les viendroit trouver en I'aunee suivante 1610. Ce 
cong6 lui ayant ete donne, Le Maire, qui le connoit fort bien, auroit 
depuis confere avec lui, et entendu ses raisons, dont il a aussi commu- 
nique avec Plancius, qui est grand geographe et bon mathematicien, le 
quel soutient, par les raisons de son art, et de ce qu'il a appris tant de 
cet Anglois que d'autres pilotes qui ont fait la meme navigation, tout 
ainsi que du cote du midi on a trouve en la mer du Sud, approchant le 
pole antarctique, un passage qui est le detroit de Magellan, qu'il y en 
doit pareillement avoir un autre du cote du nord. L'un des pilotes, qui 


(thirteen) years ago, engaged in the same search, and has gone as 
far as Nova Zemla, which is situated under the seventy-third 
degree of latitude, on the coast of the sea of Tartary towards the 
north. This pilot has declared that he was at that time not suf- 
ficiently experienced, and that instead of penetrating into the open 
sea, which is never frozen, on account of its depth, and of the 
great force of its currents and waves, he kept near the coast. He 
there found the sea frozen, and both he and his companions were 
prevented from penetrating any further, and were obliged to 

The Englishman also reports, that having been to the north as 
far as eighty degrees, he has found that the more northwards he 
went, the less cold it became ; and that whilst in Nova Zembla, 
the land was barren, and there were none but carnivorous animals 
of prey, like bears, foxes, and the like, he had found under the 
eighty-first degree grass on the ground, and animals that lived on 
it. Plancius confirms this by scientific reasons, and says, that 
near the pole the sun shines for five months continually ; and, 

fut aussi, il y a trois^ ans, employe en cette meme recherche, et passa 
jusqu'a Nova-Zembla, qui est a soixante-treize degres de latitude en la 
cote de la mer Tartarique, tirant au nord, a declare que, pour n'etre lors 
assez experimente en cette navigation, au lieu d'entrer avant en pleine 
mer, oii elle n'est jamais gelee h cause de la profondeur et de la grande 
impetuosite de ses flots et vagues, il se contenta de cdtoyer les bords, ovl, 
ayant trouve la mer gelee, lui et ses compagnons furent arretes et 
contraints de s'en retourner sans passer outre. 

L'Anglois a encore rapporte qu'ayant ete du cote du nord jusqu'a 
quatre-vingt-un degres, il a trouve que plus il approchoit du nord, moins 
11 y avoit de froidure, et au lieu que vers Nova-Zembla la terra n'etoit 
couverte d'herbe et n'y avoit sinon des betes qui vivent de chair et de 
proie, comme ours, renards et autres semblables, il avoit trouve, esdits 
quatre-vingt-un degres, de I'herbe sur la terre, et des betes qui en vivent : 
ce que Plancius confirme par raison, et dit que pres du pole, le soleil 
luisant sur la terre cinq mois continuels, encore que les rayons d'icelui 

^ This trois ought probably to be treize. The expedition meant by Jeannin 
must be that of Barents in 1596, this being the last Dutch expedition to the 
north-east previous to 1009. 


although his rays are weak, yet on account of the long time they 
continue, they have sufficient strength to warm the ground, 
to render it temperate, to accommodate it for the habitation of men, 
and to produce grass for the nourishment of animals. He 
compares it to a small fire, which is but lighted, and then 
immediately extinguished. He also adds, that one ought not to 
be satisfied with the opinion of the ancients, who considered the 
regions round the poles as uninhabitable, on account of their cold, 
and that they may have been mistaken in this respect, as much as 
they have been with regard to the tropics, which they also con- 
sidered as uninhabitable on account of their great heat. For the 
tropics have nevertheless been proved to be habitable, temperate, 
fertile, and favourable to the existence of man : and there is more 
heat on the borders of the tropics than near the line. For this 
reason, Plancius thinks that the cold increases (as you proceed 
from the north pole), and is greatest under the seventieth degree ; 
but that passing nearer to the pole it becomes less. Thus the 
Englishman and other pilots, who have gone to these regions, have 
found it to be ; and they conclude, that to find the northern 
passage with greater ease, we ought not to sail along the coasts in 

y soient foibles, neanmoins, a cause du long temps qu'ils y demeurenfc, 
ils ont assez de force pour echauffer le terroir, et le rendre tempere et 
commode pour I'habitation des hommes, produire herbe et nourrir betail; 
alleguant cette similitude d'un petit feu qui ne feroit qu'etre allume et 
aussitot eteint. II y ajoute aussi qu'il ne se faut arreter a I'opinion des 
anciens, qui estimoient la terre pres des deux poles inhabitable a cause 
de sa froidure, et qu'ils se peuvent aussi bien tromper qu'en ce qu'ils ont 
dit la zone torride etre inhabitable a cause de sa grande chaleur, qu'on 
reconnait neanmoins par experience etre habitee, fort temperee, fertile, 
et commode pour la vie des hommes, et qu'il y a aussi beaucoup plus de 
chaleur sous les tropiques du Cancer et du Capricorne que sous la zone 
torride ; et par cette meme raison, Plancius juge que la froidure croit, et 
est toujours plus grande jusqu'au soixante-sixieme degres, mais qu'en 
passant plus outre devers le pole, elle devient moindre, et ainsi Font 
trouve I'Anglois et d'autres pilotes, les quels ont ci-devant fait tela 
voyages, dont ils concluent que, pour trouver le passage du nord avec 
plus de facilite, au lieu de rechercher les cotes de la mer a soixante-dix, 


the 70, 71, 72, and 73 degrees, as the Dutch have done; but 
that, on the contrary, we ought to advance into the open sea, and 
so go as far as to the 81, 82, and 83 degrees, or even further, if 
necessary; because the sea not being frozen in that latitude, they 
trust to be able to find the passage ; and then sailing eastwards, to 
pass through the Straits of Anian, and then following the east 
coast of Tartary, so go to the Kingdom of Cathay, to China, to the 
islands of Japan, and also to the Spice islands, and the Philippines. 
For east and west join on account of the spherical shape of our 
earth. This whole voyage, both out and home, can be finished in 
six months, without approaching any of the harbours and fortresses 
of the King of Spain ; whilst by the road, round the Cape of Good 
Hope, which is now in common use, one generally requires three 
years, and one is besides exposed to meet and to fight the 

He proposed to me in his overtures with regard to the northern 
passage, that your Majesty might undertake the search openly, and 
in your Majesty's name, as a glorious enterprise, or else under the 
name of some private man, whose success, if good, would not fail 

soixante-onze, soixante-douze ou soixante-treize degr^s, comme les Hol- 
landais ont fait ci-devant, il se faut avancer en pleine mer, et monter 
jusqu'^ quatre-vingt-un, quatre-vingt-deux et quatre-vingt-trois degres, 
ou plus, s'il est besoin, es quels lieux la mer n'etant point gelee, ils se 
promettent qu'on pourra trouver ce passage, et par icelui, en tirant vers 
I'orient, passer le detroit d'Anian. et suivant la cote orientale de Tar- 
taric, aller au royaume du Cattay, a la Chine, aux iles du Japon, comme 
aussi, attendu que I'orient et roccident aboutissent Fun a I'autre, a 
cause de la rondeur de la terre, aller par meme moyen aux Moluques et 
aux Philippines ; lequel voyage, et toute cette navigation, tant pour 
aller que pour retourner, pourroient etre faits en six mois, sans approcher 
d'aucuns ports et forteresses du roi d'Espagne ; au lieu qu'a le faire par 
le cap de Bonne-Esperance, qui est le chemin ordinaire qu'on tient a 
present, on y met ordinairement pr^s de trois ans, et si on est sujet aux 
rencontres et incursions des Portugois. 

II me proposoit done cette ouverture du passage du nord pour savoir 
si votre Majeste auroit agreable de I'entreprendre ouvertement, et en son 
nom, comme chose fort glorieuse, et qui lui acquerroit une grande 
louange envers la posterite, ou bien sous le nom de quelque particulier, 


to be attributed to the king. Le Maire offered, in the name of his 
brother Isaac, to furnish the vessel and the crew, unless j-our 
Majesty should wish to employ some of her own men, together 
with those whom he would send out, and who are experienced in 
this kind of navigation. He says, that to execute this enterprise, 
he would require but three or four thousand crowns at the utmost, 
which money he wishes to obtain from your Majesty, because he, 
who is but a private man, would not lay out so large a sum ; nor 
does he dare to speak about it to any one, because the East India 
Company fears above every thing to be forestalled in this design. 
Therefore, Isaac Le Maire would not converse about this matter 
■with the Englishman except in secret. He also adds, that if this 
passage be discovered, it will greatly facilitate the means of 
forming an association to traffic with all these countries ; and that 
more people will engage their capital in the new society, than in 
the East India Company, which is already in existence. The East 
India Company will not even have a right to complain, because the 
charter granted to them by the States General authorises them to 
sail only round the Cape of Good Hope, and not by the north. Of 
this latter passage the States have reserved to themselves the right 

dont on ne laisseroit de lui attribuer I'honneur si le succes en etoit bon, 
oiFrant de la part de son frere, de fournir le vaisseau et les hommes, si 
non que votre Majeste y en veuille aussi employer quelques-uns des 
siens avec ceux qu'il y mettra, les quels sont experimentes en tels 
voyages, disant que, pour executer cette entreprise, il ne faut que trols 
ou quatre mille ecus au plus, lesquels il desire tirer de votre Majeste, 
pour ce que lui, qui n'est qu'un particulier, n'y voudroit employer cette 
somme, et n'en ose communiquer a personne, d'autant que la Compagnie 
des ludes d'Orient craiot sur toutes choses qu'on les previeune en ce 
dessein, et qu'a cette occasion son frere n'avoit oser parler a I'Anglois 
qu'en secret. II dit encore que si ce passage est trouve et decouvert, 
qu'il facilitera bien fort le moyen de faire une compagnie pour aller en 
tous les lieux susdits, et que plus de gens y mettront leurs fonds qu'en 
I'autre qui est deja faite, sans que la Compagnie s'en puisse plaindre, 
attendu que I'octroi qu'elle a obtenu des Etats n'est que pour y aller du 
cote du cap de Bonne-Esperance, non de celui du nord, dont les Etats se 
sont reserves le pouvoir de disposer au cas que le passage puisse en etre 


of granting the privilege in case it should be discovered. And in 
order to encourage some bold j^ilots to undertake this search, they 
l^romised a reward of 80,000 livres to the tirst discoverer. 

I told the brother of Le Maire who had made me these 
overtures, and I have also written to him, that I would immediately 
submit the matter to your Majestj', to know your pleasure, and that I 
would inform him of it as soon as possible ; for he says, that if one 
wishes to engage in this voyage in the present year, one must 
begin it in March at the very latest, if any success is to hoped 
from it. Others who have before begun it in July, have suffered 
greatly, and have been overtaken by the winter. Having also 
been informed that Plancius had come to the Hague two days 
after the above conversation, I invited him to call upon me, in 
order to speak with him. This I have done, without, however, 
letting him know that Le Maire had made overtures to me, for Le 
Maire wishes nobody to be aware of it. Therefore I have spoken 
to Plancius only in the way of a scientific discussion, on the 
northern passage, and as if I were desirous to instruct myself, and 
to learn what he knows about it, or what he concludes on 
scientific grounds. He has confirmed to me all the above facts. 

trouve, et pour inviter quelques pilotes courageux de se hasarder a en 
faire la recherche, promis vingt-quatre mille livres de loyer a celui qui 
en seroit le premier inventeur. 

J'ai dit au frere de Le Maire, qui m'en a communique de sa part, et 
lui ai aussiecrit que j'en donnerois incontinent avis a voire Majeste pour 
en savoir sa volonte, et la lui faire entendre au plus tot, attendu qu'il 
dit. si on veut penser h ce voyage des cette annee, qu'il le faut com- 
mencer en mars au plus tard pour en esperer bon succes, et que les 
autres qui I'ont ci-devant fait en juillet s'en sont mal trouves, et ontet6 
surpris de I'hiver. Ayant aussi et6 averti que Plancius etoit venu a la 
Haye deux jours apres avoir communique au frere de Le Maire, je le 
maudai aussitot pour en conferer avec lui, comme j'ai fait, sans toutefois 
lui faire connoitre que Le Maire m'en eut fait parler, ui que votre 
Majeste eut aucun dessein d'entreprendre cette recherche ; car le dit 
sieur Le Maire ne d6sire pas que personne en sache rien : aussi n'en ai- 
je parle a Plancius que par forme de discours, et comme etant curieux 
de m'instruire et d'apprendre ce qu'il en sait, et juge par raison pouvoir 
etre fait ; lequel m'a confirme tout ce que dessus, et qu'il avoit excite 


and he also told me that it was he who incited the late Jacob 
Heemskerk, the admiral of the fleet which beat the Spaniards in 
the Straits of Gibraltar, to undertake the above enterprise. 
Heemskerk had consented to do so, and Plancius had expected 
great achievements from him, because Heemskerk was greatlj' ex- 
perienced in navigation, and was anxious to acquire the honour 
of finding a passage through the Arctic Regions, like Magellan, 
who had discovered the passage to the South Sea. But 
Heemskerk fell in that battle in the Straits of Gibraltar. 

It belongs to your Majesty to command me what I am to do in 
this affair. The truth is, that one cannot guarantee the success 
of this enterprise with certainty ; but yet, it is also true, that Le 
Maire has for a long time inquired into the chances of the under- 
taking, and that he is generally considered to be an able and 
industrious man. Besides, the risk would not be very great. 
When Ferdinand of Spain received the offer of Columbus, and 
caused three ships to be fitted out for him, to sail to the West 
Indies, the proposal seemed still more hazardous, and all the other 
potentates, to whom he had applied, had laughed at him, con- 
sidering his success as impossible, and yet he has obtained such 
great results. It is also the opinion of Plancius, and of other 

feu Amsquerque, amiral de la flotte qui fit I'exploit du detroit de 
Gibraltar, de faire cette entreprise, lequel s'y etoit rosolu, dont il esperoit 
bien, pour ce que le dit Amsquerque etoit fort entendu aux navigations, 
et desireux d'acquerir cet houneur, comme Magellan avoit fait de- 
couvrant le passage du c6te de la mer du Sud ; mais il mourut en ce 
combat. C'est a votre Majeste de me commander ce qu'il lui plait que 
je fasse en cet endroit. La verite est qu'on ne peut repondre du succes 
de cette entreprise avec certitude ; mais il est bien vrai que des long 
temps Le Maire s'est informe de ce qu'on pouvait esperer de telle entre- 
prise, et qu'il est tenu pour homme avise et industrieux ; puis on n'y 
hasarderoit pas beaucoup. Quaud Ferdinand recut I'avis de Christophe 
Colomb, et lui fit equiper trois navires pour aller au voyage des Indes 
d'Occident, I'entreprise sembloit encore pour lors plus incertaine, et tous 
les autres potentats aux quels cet homme s'etoit adresse s'en etoient 
moques, jugeant son entreprise impossible ; et toute-fois elle a produit 
un si grand fruit. Cost aussi I'avis de Plancius et d'autres geographcs, 


geographers, that in the northern parts there are many countries 
which have not yet been discovered, and which God may be 
keeping for the glory and the profit of other princes, unwilling to 
give every thing to Spain alone. Even, were nothing to come of 
this search, yet it would always be honourable to have undertaken 
it, and the regret will not be very great since so little is risked. 

This letter having been terminated, and I being ready to send it 
to your Majesty, Le Maire has again written to me, and has sent 
to me the memoir, which is joined to the present letter, which also 
contains an ample discussion of the above subject. He also writes 
to me, that some members of the East India Company, who had 
been informed that the Englishman had secretly treated with him, 
had become afraid that I might wish to employ him for the dis- 
covery of this passage. For this reason, they have again treated 
with him about his undertaking such an expedition in the course 
of the present year. The directors of the Amsterdam chamber 
have written to the other chambers of the same company, to 
request their approval ; and should the others refuse, the Am- 
sterdam chamber will undertake the expedition at their own risk, 
Le Maire, nevertheless, persists in advising your Majesty to 

qui ont ecrit que du cote du nord il y a encore beaucoup de terres qui 
n'ont ete decouvertes, lesqvielles Dieu peut reserver a la gloire et au 
profit d'autres princes, u'ayant voulu tout donner h la seule Espagne. 
Quand meme il n'en succederoit rien, sera toujours chose louable de 
I'avoir entrepris, et le repentir n'en sera jamais grand, puisqu'on j 
hasarde si peu. 

Cette lettre etant achevee, et moi pres de I'euvoyer a votre Majeste, 
Le Maire m'a derechef ecrit, et envoye le memoire qui est ci-joint, 
lequel contient un discours assez ample, ensemble les raisons de ce que 
dessus. II me mande pareillement qu'aucuns de la Compagnie des 
Indes, ayant ete avertis que I'Anglois avoit confere secretement avec lui, 
sont entres en apprehension qu'il s'en vouloit servir et I'employer lul 
meiae pour decouvrir ce passage, qu'a cette occasion ils ont de nouveau 
traite avec lui pour entreprendre la dite navigation des cette annee, 
ayant ceux de la chambre d'Amsterdam ecrit a cet effet aux autres 
chambres qui sont de la meme compagnie pour le faire approuver, avec 
declaration, s'ils le refusent, qu'ils entreprendont eux seuls. Le Maire 
ne laisse pourtant exhorter votre Majeste a cette entreprise, me mandant 


engage in this enterprise, telling me that he has at his disposal 
a pilot, who has already been engaged in a similar voyage,' and 
who is more experienced and more capable than the Englishman. 

It belongs to your Majesty to order what I am to do. I have 
had several conferences with other men about expeditions to the 
West and East Indies, and I feel confident, that when it will 
please your Majesty to take the matter into serious consideration, 
with the intention of profiting by it, there will be means of ob- 
taining very able and experienced men. There are also many rich 
merchants who will gladly join in the commerce with East India, 
and yet more willingly if this northern passage be found ; but 
as to the West Indies, they all think" that far greater armaments 
will be required. It is true that the voyage is also shorter, and 
those who have some knowledge of the intercourse which may be 
established with those parts, promise great success. They also 
prove this by such good reasons, that we may well believe them.^ 

qu'il a un pilote, lequel a deja fait ce meme voyage, et est plus experi- 
inente et capable que I'Anglois. C'est a elle de commander son inten- 
tention. J'ai eu plusieurs conf6rences avec d'autres, soit pour les 
voyages des Indes d'Orient ou d'Occident, et suis assure, quand il lui 
plaira d'y penser h bon escient, et pour en tirer du fruit, qu'il y aura 
moyen de lui faire avoir de tres-bons hommes, et fort experimentes ; qu'il 
y a aussi de riches marchands lesquels seront de la partie pour le com- 
merce des Indes d'Orient, et plus volontiers encore si ce passage du nord 
est trouve : mais, quant aux Indes d'Occident, ils tiennent tons qu'il y 
faut employer un plus grand appareil de forces. II est vrai que le 
voyage est aussi beaucoup plus court ; et ceux qui ont quelque connois- 
sance des entreprises qu'on y peut dresser, en promettanfc tout bon 
succes, dont ils discourent avec de si bonnes raisons, qu'il y a sujet d'y 
ajouter foi ; j'en attendrai ses commandemens, priant Dieu, Sire, qu'il 
donne k sa Majeste et a sa Royale famille tout heur et prosperite. 

Votre etc. 

De la Haye ce vingt-cinquieme Janvier 1609. 

1 Probably Nai. 

2 The principal advocate of the West Indian enterprise was William Usse- 
linex, who at that very time published several very eloquent pamphlets in its 
defence. He is most probably the person referred to by Jeannin. 


I am expecting your Majesty's commands, praying God, sire, that 

lie may give to your Majesty and to the whole Royal family all 

happiness and prosperity. 


The Hague, the 25th of January, 1609. 


NEAV NETHERL. I, p. 33.^ 

The only trace of this voyage that was to be discovered in the 
papers of the East India Companj^, consisted of a memorandum 
in one of the ship books, stating the fact that the yacht Halve 
Maaii, of forty lasts burden, had been sent toward the north in the 
year 1608. 


The subsequent career of the Half Moon may perhaps interest 
the curious. The small ship book before referred to, which I found 
in 1841, in the Company's archives at Amsterdam, besides 
recording the return of the yacht on the 15th of July 1610, states 
that, on the 9th of May, 1611, she sailed in company with other 
vessels to the East Indies under the command of Laurens Reael, 
and that, on the 6th of March, 1615, she was wrecked and lost on 
the island of Mauritius. 

' Great efiforts have been made to procure facsimiles of these two docu- 
ments, but in vain. The editor of the joresent volume has, however, received 
from Holland a MS. copy of the first document, from the above quoted 
privately printed work of Mr. Murphy. But as Mr. Murphy seemed desirous 
not to let the writer of the present pages obtain a glimpse of that pamphlet, 
it would have been contrary to the rules of literary intercourse to take from him 
in secret what he would not communicate openly. The title of Mr. Murphy's 
pamphlet, together with a descriptive note from a catalogue of Mr. Fr. Muller, 
of Amsterdam, is to be found in our bibliogvapliical list. 





apud Bletsoe, July 26 fh, 1612. 

A. Beginning. 

James, by the grace of God king of England, etc. Whereas, we 
are credibly informed that our cozens and councellors Henry 
Charles Earl of Northampton, keeper of the privy scale ; Charles 
Earl of Nottingham, admirall of England ; Thomas Earl of Suffolk, 
chamberlain of our own household ; our right trusty and well 
beloued cozen Henry Earl of Southampton ; William Earl of 
Salisbury, our right trusty and well beloued Theophilus Lord 
Walden, Sir Thomas Smith Maunsell, Sir Walter Hope, Sir 
Dudley Diggs, Sir James Lancerote, Knights ; Rebecca Lady 
Romney, Francis Jones, one of the aldermen of our city of 
London; John Wolstenholme, Esq., John Edred Robert Sandy, 
William Greenwell, Nicholas Seats, Hovet Stapers, William 
Russell, John Mericks, Abraham Chamberleine, Philippe Burlo- 
mathis, merchants of the cittie of London ; the Muscovy Company 
and the East India Company of the sixth voyage, did in Aprill 
one thousand six hundred and tene, with great charge sett fourth a 
shippe called the Discoverye, and certaine persons under the com- 
mand of Henry Hudson to search and find out a passage by the 
north-west of America to the sea of Sur, commonly called the 
south Sea, and have in that voyage found a streight or narrow sea 
by the which they hope and purpose to advance a trade to the 
great kingdoms of Tartaria, China, Japan, Solomons Islands, 
Chili, the Philippins and other countrys in or upon the said sea . . . 

B. Summary of the grant fat the bottom of the charter J. 

This bill conteyneth your Majesty's grant unto the merchants of 
London, discoverers of the north-west passage, to be made and 


treated a corporate body, and to be invested with powers and 
capacities thereunto incident, so that the trade through that 
passage may be managed with some order and government, and 
not loosely at the discretion of every private adventurer. The 
frame and constitutions of this company is not restrained to any 
number certain, nor confined to any particular citty, town or place, 
nor tending to any degree of monopoly. The Prince is the 
supreme protector, under your Majesty, of this company. The 
custom subsidy, and impost accruing to your Majesty of all goods 
and merchandize shipped outwards and homewards through the 
said passage, in the 7th year after the date of the present patent 
(by which time it is conceived the trade may settle and growe some- 
what beneficiall) are therein graunted to the first discoverers, in 
consideration of their charges in the discovery ; and the like graimt 
to Captain Button, and the masters and marines in the two shippes 
lately sett forth for the perfecting of the said discoverye, of the 
customs, subsidy and impost happening in the 5th year after the 
date of the present patent (which as supposed will be a lesse 
matter), in consideration of their services therein. 

AMERICAN.E, p. 295. 


Nunc dicendum est, quid e regione Groenlandise objaceat et 
recessibus, ante commemoratis. Furdustrandee nomen terree est, 
ubi tantum gelu est, ut quantum scire datur, inhabituri non pos- 
sit ; ab ea austrum versus est Hellulandia, regio Scrselingorum 
appellata ; inde brevi spatio abest Vinlandia Bona, quam nonnuUi 
ex Africa protendi aestimant. Inter Vinlandiam et Groenlandiam 
est Ginnungayap, quod influit ex mari dicto oceano, totuni terra- 
rum orbem ambiente. 


(treatise of IVER BOTY ) 

Hse relationes servatoo sunt ab archiepiscopo Nidrosiensi Erico 
Walckendorpb, qui anno 1516, novam ad Groenlandiam iterum 
inveniendam expeditionem moliens, varia ad hujus terrae descrip- 
tionem pertinentia collegit. Prseter supra, p. 282, allata manu- 
scripta et editiones, quarum Extrupii ex manuscripto Regise 
Dresdensis Bibliotheca?, G. No. 52a, signato est desumta, alias 
versiones qusedam adhiberi merentur. \Here foUoius the title in 
English, as to be found on page 230.] 

Quam multifariara nominum topographicorum in Danicis manu- 
scriptis, et graviorem quidem in duobus horum vetustissimis editioni- 
bus depravationem consideremus, similis, et ex aliqua parte pessima, 
confusio in translatione, quae tria porro diversi generis idiomata, 
Germaniae, Belgise et Angliae permeaverat, minime erit miranda. 
At nihilominus dictara versionem vetustissimo cuidarn originalis 
exemplari, quod bonas quasdam lectiones servaverat, superinstruc- 
tam esse cernimus, quam igitur (P notatam) in hac collatione negli- 
gere noluimus. Addidit hujus transcripti auctor (p. 230) ipsam 
relationem in insulis Fiereyensibus fuisse repertam, in an old 
reckoning book ivritten above one hundred yeeres ago. 




Hudson^ s Strait : Rio Nevado (Sebastian Cabot, 1498). 

Hudson's Bay: Baia dos Medaos (Ortelius, from the Portuguese 

Hudson's Touches: Jan Mayen Island (Jan May, 1611). 

Hudson'' s Point : Rudson's Point (a corruption ; Zorgdrager, 

Hudson'' s River : Rio de Gamas, Rio Grande (Spaniards, 1525- 
1600); Cahohatatea (Indian name); Manhattan's Rivier, Groote 
Rivier, Noort Rivier, Montaigne Rivier, Maurits Rivier (Dutch 
Maps, 1615 to 1664). 





Adeltjng. Geschichte der Schiffahrten und Versuche welche 
zur Entdeckung des nordostliclien Weges nach Japan und China 
von verschiedenen Nationen unternommen wurden. Zum Behufe 
der Erdbeschreibung und Naturgeschichte dieser Gegenden ent- 
worfen von Johann Christoph Adelung. Halle, 4to, 1768. 

Akerly. An Essay on the Geology of the Hudson river, and 
the adjacent regions : illustrated by a geological section of the 
country, from the neighbourhood of Sandy Hook, in New Jersey, 
northward, through the highlands in New York, towards the 
Catskill Mountains : by Samuel Akerly, one of the Vice-Presi- 
dents of the New York I/yceum of Natural History. New York, 
12mo, 1820. 

Alcedo, see Thompson. 

American Biography. The Library of American Biography. 
Edited by Jared Sparks, assisted by several of the most distin- 
guished writers. First Series. Portraits. Ten vols., 12mo, New 
York. Vol. X, pp. 187-261. Life of Hudson, by R. H. Cleveland: 

Antiquitates Americans sive Scriptores Septentrionales 

rerum ante-Columbianarum in America. 

Samling af de i nordens Oldskrifter indeholdte Efterretninger vmde gamle 
Nordboers Opdagelsesreiser til America, fra det 10 de til det 14 de Aarhun- 

Edidit Societas Regia Antiquariorum Septentrionalium. Hafnise. 

1837. (Edited by C. Rafn.) 

Arch^ologia Americana, see Gallatin. 

Barrow. A Chronological History of Voyages into the Arctic 
Regions; undertaken chiefly for the purpose of discovering a 


North-east, North-Avest, or Polar Passage, between the Atlantic 
and Pacific : from the earliest periods of Scandinavian navigation 
to the recent expeditions under the orders of Captains Ross and 
Buchan, by Sir John Barrow, F.Pt.S, London, 1818. 

Beechey. a Voyage of Discovery towards the North Pole, 
performed in His Majesty's ships Dorothea and Trent, under the 
command of Captain David Buchan, R.N., 1818; to which is 
added a Summary of all the early attemjits to reach the Pacific by 
the way of the Pole. By Captain F. W. Beechey, R.N., F.R.S. 
one of the lieutenants of the expedition. Published by autho- 
rity of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty. (With a map 
and many illustrations.) 8vo. London, 1843. 

Begin en Vooktgang von de Nederlandsche Oostindische 
Compagnie. 2 vols., 4to, obi., consisting of twenty-one parts with 
separate pagination. Amsterdam, 1646. (Daniell's Map, part i, 
p. 13 ; Hudson's Voyage, part i, p. 54.) 

Beke, see De Veer, 

Bescherelle. Grand Dictionnaire de Geographic imiverselle, 
ancienne et moderne. Par M. Bescherelle, aine. 4 vols., 4to, 
Paris, 1856-7. 

Beschryvinghe van Virginia, Nieuw Nederlandt, Niew- 
Engelandt, en d'Eylanden Bermudes, Barbados, en S. ChristofFel. 
Dienstelyck voor elck een derwaerts handelende, en alle voor- 
planten van Nieuw Colonien, met Koperen figuren verciert. 't Ams- 
terdam, by Joost-Hartgers, Bouckverkooper op dem Dam, bezyden 
't Stadthuys, op de hoeck van de Kalverstraet, in de Boeck- 
winckel, anno 1651. 4to. Title, 60 pp. Map. 

BiBLioGRAPHiE Neerlando-Russe, See Ortelius. 

BiDDEE, see Cabot. 

BioGRAPHiA Britannica, or the Lives of the most eminent 
persons who have flourished in Great Britain and Ireland, from 
the earliest ages down to the present times : collected from the 
best authorities, both printed and manuscript, and digested in the 
manner of Mr. Bajde's Historical and Critical Dictionary. London, 
folio, MDCCL. (Volume the fourth, pp. 2691-2695. Hudson, Henry), 

BiOGRAPHiE Universelee, ancienne et moderne, ou Histoire, 
par ordre alphabetique de la vie publique et privee de tons les 
hommes qui se sont distingues par leurs ecrits, leurs actions, leurs 


talents, leurs vertus ou leiirs crimes. Ouvrage entierement neuf, 
redige par une Societe de Gens de lettres at de Savants. Tome 
xxi. Paris, 1818. (Page 10-12, Hudson Henri.) 

Blaeu, "Wilh. et Joh. Le Grand Atlas, ou Cosmographie 
Blaviane, en lequel est exactement descritte la terre, la mer et le 
ciel. Amsterdam. J. Blaew. 1663. 12 voL, fol. 

Blefkin. Dithmari Blefkenii Islandia, sive populorum & 
mii'abilium qua3 in ea Insula reperiunter, accuratior Descriptio : 
cui de Gronlandia sub finem quaedam adjecta. Lugduni Batavo- 
rum. Ex Typograplieio Henrici ab Haestens. cioiocvii, 160. 
pp. 71. 

Brockhaus. Allgemeine deutsche Real Encyklopadie fiir die 
gebildeten Stande. Conversations Lexikon. Zehnte verbesserte 
und vermehrte Auflage in 15 Banden. Leipzig : 1851-55. (Vol. viii, 
p. 102, Hudson's bay). 

This edition, which is to be found in the reading-room of the British 
Museum, does not contain the Anskoeld Myth; on the contrary, the discovery 
of Hudson's Strait is attributed to Sebastian Cabot. But in the earlier edi- 
tions, we believe down to the eighth, the Anskoeld story exists. 

Bkodhead. History of the State of New York, by John 
Romeyn Brodhead. First Period, 1609-1664. Illustrated with a 
Map of New Netherlands, according to the charters granted by 
the States General, on the 11th of October, 1614, and the 3rd of 
June, 1621. Svo. New York, 1853. 

BucHAN, see Jeannin. 

Cabot (Sebastian). His great Planisphere. A copy of this 
celebrated work, bearing the date of 1544, is preserved in the 
Imperial Library in Paris. This map is pasted upon a roller. On 
both sides of the engraving there are pasted explanations in letter- 
press, on one side in Spanish and on the other in Latin. The 
whole map is very large. The Latin letterpress alone fills more 
than twenty pages in a reprint which we are about to speak of. 
It is in one of these letterpress explanations that the date of 1544 
occurs. Mr. Jomard has published part of the map in his " Monu- 
ments de Geographie" ; that is to say, three of the four sheets it is 
composed of. But the most important sheet, containing North 
America, is yet wanting. The letterpress also has not yet ap- 


There seems to have been a second eJition of this map published 
in the year 1549, probably in England, where Sebastian Cabot was 
then residing. This is to be concluded from a book by Nathan 
Chytreeus, called " Itinerum Delicise." Chytrseus travelled through 
various parts of Europe and visited Oxford in 1566. He there 
copied a series of inscriptions, corresponding, except in some very 
slight respects, with the Latin explanations of the Paris map ; but 
with that important difference, that the date is 1549 instead of 
1544. These inscriptions are reprinted in the " Itinerum Delicise." 

In Hakluyt's Collection we find the following heading: " A71 
extract taken out of the Map of Sebastian Cabot, cut by Clement 
Adams, concerning his Discovery of the West Indies, lohich is to be 
scene in Her Majesties^ privie Gallerie at Westminster, and in many 
other ancient merchants' Houses.'^ This heading is followed by a 
description of Baccalaos or Terra Nova, which is evidently bor- 
rowed from the 1544 or 1549 edition of the Cabot map, but it is 
not by any means a literal copy. One important change consists in 
the alteration of the date of the voyage described in it, which is 
1494 in the earlier edition and 1497 in that of Clement Adams. 
Adams has besides completely altered the phraseology of his text, 
which he has made most bombastic; lengthening out the passages by 
superfluous additions, so that his text is by about one-third longer 
than that of the original, without containing any new information. 

It would seem doubtful from Hakluyt's above-quoted heading, 
whether Adams had copied the whole of Cabot's map or merely 
the delineation of Terra Nova ; because the word extract might 
refer to an extract made by Adams from Cabot's map, or to an 
extract made from Adams's map by Hakluyt. This doubt is 
removed by a passage in the third volume, p. 807, of Purchas' 
Pilgrims, where the same map is more fully described. Purchas 
has evidently himself seen the map, which was most likely the 
identical copy also seen before by Hakluyt in Whitehall Gallery. 
It is not certain whether another map mentioned by Willes as 
having been in the library of the Earl of Bedford, is also identical 
with that seen at Whitehall. This map contained a delineation 
of Hudson's Strait, the description of which we have reprinted 
in the Introduction. This description does not correspond in 
all its parts with the 1511 map, and there arc besides some 


more details given by Willes, which are in still stronger contra- 
distinction with the indications of the Paris copy. This circum- 
stance has led us to the supposition that the Earl of Bedford's 
copy also belonged to the Clement Adams' edition, and that Adams 
had altered the lines of the chart as well as the words of the 
text. We cannot suppose that he would have dared to do so in 
Cabot's lifetime, and therefore think that Adams' map was pub- 
lished after Cabot's death (about 1557). 

A Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, with a Review of the His- 
tory of Maritime Discovery. Illustrated by Documents from the 
Rolls now first published, by R. Biddle, London, 1831. 

Notices concerning John Cabot and his son Sebastian ; 

transcribed and translated from original manuscripts in the Macrian 
Library at Venice, by Rawdon Brown. Communicated to the 
Society by Edw. Cheney. Philobiblon Society, Bibliographical 
and Historical Miscellanies. London, 1854-56. 

Catlin. Letters and notes on the Manners, Cvistoms, and Con- 
dition of the North American Indians, by George Catlin. Written • 
during eight years travel, from 1832 to 1839, amongst the Wildest 
Tribes of Indians in North America. With 312 Plates. 2 vols., 
royal 8vo, pp. 264 and 266. New York, 1841. 

Chytr^us. Variorum in Europa itinerum Delicise, seu, ex 

variis Manuscriptis selectiora tantum inscriptionum, maxime re- 

centium Monumenta. . . .Omnia nuper collecta et hoc modo digesta 

a Nathane Chytrseo. Herbornae Nassoviorum, 1594. 

(The same book, second edition, ibid., 1599 ; the same book, third edition, 

Cleveland, see Amekican Biography. 

Collections of the New York Hist. Soc. For the year 1809. 
Vol. i. New York, 1811, 8vo. 

P. 19. A discourse designed to commemorate the discovery of 
New York by Henry Hudson, delivered before the New York 
Hist. Soc, Sept. 4th, 1809, being the completing of the second 
century since the event. By Samuel Miller, D.D., one of the 
pastors of the first Presbyterian Church in the city of New York, 
and member of the Hist. Soc. 

P. 41. A Communication from Dr. Mitchill, with respect to the 
several sorts of fish to be found in the Hudson. 


P. 45. The Relation of De Verazzano to the King of France, 
of the Land by him discovered in the name of H.M. 

P. 61. The Voyage of H. Hudson towards the North Pole, 
anno 1607. 

P. 81. A Second Voyage of H. Hudson for finding a Passage 
to the East Indies by the N.E., anno 1608. 

P. 102. The third Voyage of H. Hudson towards Nova Zem- 
bla, etc., and along the coast to 42 degrees and a half, and up the 
river (the Hudson) to 42 degrees, anno 1609. 

Collections of the New York Hist. Soc. Second Series. Vol. i. 
New York, 1841, 8vo. 

P. 37. Verazzano's Voyage. 

P. 69. Indian Traditions on the First Arrival of the Dutch on 
Manhattan Island. 

P. 75. Lambrechtsen's History of New Netherlands. 

P. 125. Van der Donck, Description of New Netherlands. 

P. 281. Extracts from De Laet's New World. 

P. 317. Juet's Journal of Hudson's Voyage. 

CoNYEKSATioisrs LEXICON, see Brockiiaus. 

Daniel. Map of Spitzbergen, London, 1612, see Begin nnd 
Voortgang, part, i, p. 13. (^The hioiuleclye loJdch up to the present 
day loe have been able to obtam of this neio country, ivhich our 
people call Spitzbergen and the English Greenland, we are going 
to represent, in a small map, in which we folloiv, for the most 
part, the Design made in London, m 1612, by John Daniel). The 
map in the Begin und Voortgang, to which this notice alludes, 
corresponds in almost eveiy particular with the map of Spitzbergen 
in the last edition of Hessel Gerritz's " Hudson," which is also to 
be found in a special work on Spitzbergen by Hessel Gerritz, 
published in two editions in the year 1613. 

Davis. The Seaman's Secrets. Devided into two partes, 
wherein is taught the three kindes of sayling, Horizontall, Para- 
doxall, and sayling upon a great circle : also an Horizontall Tyde 
Table, for the easie finding of the ebbing and flowing of the Tydes, 
with a Regiment newly calculated for the finding of the Declina- 
tion of the Sunne, and many other most necessary rules and 
instruments, not heretofore set foorth by any. Newly corrected by 
the author, John Davis, of Sandrudge, neere Darthmouth, in the 


countie of Devon, Gent. Imprinted at London by Thomas Dawson. 
4to, 1607. 

De Laet. Nieuwe Wereldt ofte Beschrijvinghe van West- 
Indien wt veelerhande Schriften ende Aenteekoningen van ver- 
scheyden Natien by een versamelt door Joannes de Laet, ende 
mit noodighe Kaerten en Tafels voorsien. Tot Leyden, In de 
Druckerye van Isaack Elzeviei", anno 1625. Met Privilegia der 
Ho. Mo. Heeren Staten Generael, voor 12 Jaren. Fol. Title, 
xxii a, 526 pages. Chapter vii to xi, pp. 100-109, description of 
New Netherland. 

Beschrijvinghe van West-Indien door Joannes De 

Laet. Tweede druk : In ontallycke plaetsen verbetert, vermeer- 
dert, met eenige nieuwe caerten, beelden van verscheijden dieren 
ende planten verciert. Tot Leyden by de Elzeviers. Ao. 1630, fol. 

De Qtjik, see Gerritz-Hessel. 

De Veer Gerrit. Three voyages by the North-East towards 
Cathay and China, undertaken by the Dutch in the years 1594, 
1595, and 1596, with their Discovery of Spitzbergen, their resi- 
dence of ten months in Novaya Zemlya, and their safe return in 
two open boats. Edited by C. T. Beke, Ph.D., F.S.A. 8vo, 
London, 1853 (Hakluyt Society). 

DoNCK (Adrian Van der). Vertoogh van Nieu Nederland, 
Weghens de Gheleghentheydt, en soberen Staet deszelfs. In's 
Graven-Hage, ghedruckt by Michiel Hael, Bouckverkooper woon- 
ende op 't Buyten-Hof, tegenover de Gevange-Voort. 1650, 4to. 
Title, 49 pages ; a vignette in wood on the title. 

Vertoogh van Nieu Nederland und Breeden Raedt 

aende Vereeniche Nederlandsche Provintsen. Two rare tracts, 
printed in 1649-1650, relating to the Administration of Affairs in 
New Netherland. Translated from the Dutch by Henry C. Murphy. 
4to. New York, 1854. 

Beschrijvinge van Nieuw-Nederlant, ghelyck het 

tegenwoordigh in Staet is, Begrijpende de Nature, Aert, gele- 
gentheyt en Vruchtbaerheyt van het selve Lant ; mitsgaders de 
proffijtelijcke ende gewenste trevallen, die aldaer tot onderhout 
der Menschen (soo uyt haer selven als van buyten ingebracht) 
gevonden woorden. Als mede de maniere en onghemeyne eygen- 
schappen van de Wilden ofte Natureleen van den Lande. Ende 


een bysonder verhael van den wonderlijcken Aert ende het Weesen 
der Bevers; daer noch by gevoeght is een d'scours over de gele- 
gentheyt van Nieuw-Nederlandt, tusscben een Nederlandts Patriot, 
ende een Nieuw Nederlander. Beschreven door Adriaen van der 
Donck, beyder Recbten Doctoor, die tegenwoordigh nocb ni Nieuw 
Nederlandt is. t' Amsterdam. By Evert Nieuwbof, Bouckver- 
kooper, woonende op 't Ruslandt in't Schrijfboeck, anno 1655, 4to. 

A second edition, under nearly tbe same title. 4to. 

Amsterdam, 1656. 

Du Ponceau. Report made to the Historical and Literary 
Committee of tbe American Philosopbical Society by their Cor- 
responding Secretary on Languages of the American Indians. By 
P. E. Duponceau. 8vo. Philadelphia. 

Eden. A treatyse of the Newe India, with other new founde 
landes and Ilandes, as well Eastwards as Westwards, as they are 
knowen and founde in these oure days, after the description of 
Sebastian Munster, in his booke of Universal Cosmographie ; 
wherein the diligent reader may see the good successe and rewards 
of noble and honeste enterprises, by the which not only worldly 
ryches are obtayned, but also God is glorified, and the Christian 
fayth enlarged. Translated out of Latin into English, by Richard 
Eden. Prceter speyn sub spe. Imprinted at London, in Lombard- 
street, by Edward Sutton, 1553. 

The History of Travayle in the West and East Indies, and 

other countreys lying eyther way, towardes the fruitfull and ryche 
Moluccaes. As Moscovia, Persia, Arabia, Syria, Aegypte, Ethio- 
pia, Guinea, China in Cathayo and Giapan. With a Discourse of 
the N.W. Passage. (" In the Hande of our Lord be all the corners 
of the Earthy — PsAL. 94.) Gathered in parte and done into 
Englyshe by Richarde Eden. Newly set in order, augmented and 
finished by Richarde Willes. Imprinted at London by Richarde 
Jugge, 1577. Cum privilegio. See also Martyr. 

FoKSTEK. Geschichte der Entdeckungen und SchifFahrten im 
Norden aller Nationen, von J. H. Forster, Dr. der Medicin und 
der Weltweisheit, etc. Berlin, 1784. 

History of the voyages and discoveries made in the 

North, translated from the German of John Reinhold Forster, 
T.U.D., and elucidated by several Maps. London, 4to, 1786. 



FoxE. North-west Fox, or Fox from the North-west Passage, 
beginning with King Arthur, Malga, Octhur, the two Zenis of 
Iscland, Estotiland, and Dorgia ; following with briefe abstracts 
of the voyages of Cabot, Frohisher, Davis, Wayrnouth, Knight, 
Hudson, Button, Gibbons, Bylot, Baffin, Hawkridge : together 
with the Courses, Distance, Latitudes, Longitudes, Variations, 
Depths of Seas, Sets of Tydes, Currents, Races, and Over-Falls, 
with other observations, accidents, and remarkable things, as our 
Miseries and Sufferings. Mr. James Hall's three voyages to 
Groynland, with a Topographicall Description of the Countries, 
the Salvages lives and treacheries, how our men have beene slayne 
by them there, with the commodities of all those parts, whereby 
the Marchant may have Trade, and the Mariner Imployment. 
Demonstrated in a Polar Card, wherein are all the Maines, Seas, 
and Islands herein mentioned. With the author his own Voyage, 
being the xvith, with the opinions and collections of the most 
famous Mathematicians and Cosmographers ; with a Probabilitie to 
prove the same by Marine Remonstrations, compared by the Ebbing 
and Flowing of the Sea, experimented with places of our owne coast. 
By Captaine Luke Foxe, of Kingstone upon Hull, Cajjt. and Pylot 
for the voyage, in His Majesties' Pinnace the Charles. Printed 
by His Majesties' Commands. Printed by B. Alsop and Tho. 
Favvcet, dwelling in Grub-street. 4to Map, 1635 {qttoted -p. Ivii). 

Frobisher. a true discourse of the late voyages of discoverie, 
for the finding of a passage to Cathaya, by the North-Weast, 
under the conduct of Martin Frobisher, Generall. Devided into 
three Bookes. In the first wherof is shewed his first voyage, 
wherein also by the way is sette out a Geographicall Description 
of the Worlde and what partes thereof have bin discovered by the 
Navigations of the Englishmen. Also, there are annexed certayne 
reasons to prove all partes of the Worlde habitable ; with a gene- 
rall Mappe adjoyned. In the second, is set out his second voyage 
with the adventures and accidents thereof. In the thirde, is de- 
clared the strange fortunes which hapned in the third voyage, with 
a severall description of the countrey and the people there inhabit- 
ing. With a particular Card thereunto adioyned of 3Ieta Incognita, 
so farre forth as the secrets of the voyage may permit. At London. 
Imprinted by Henry Bynnyman, servant to the Right Honourable 


Sir Christopher Hatton, viz., Charaberlaine. Anno Domini, 1578, 
4to, pp. 68. 

Gallatin. Synopsis of the Indian Tribes of North-America, 
by Albert Gallatin, LL.D. 

Arcbffiologia Americana. Transactions and Collections of the Amei'icau 
Antiquarian Society. Published by Direction of the Society. Vol. i, 8vo, 
pp. 436. Worcester, Mass., 18'20 ; vol. ii, Map, 8vo, pp. xxx and 573. Cam- 
bridge, 1836; vol. iii, pp. cxxxviii and 377. Boston, printed for the Society, 
1857 (vol. ii, p. 44). 

Galtano. Tratado dos varios, e diversos caminhos por onde 
nos tempos passados a pimenta e especiaria veio do India as nossas 
partes, e assim de todos os descubrimentos antigos e modernos 
que sao feitos ate a era de 1550 com os nomes particulares das 
pessoas que os ficerao, em que tempos e suas alturas. 8o, Lisboa, 
por 1560. 

Galvao. Tratado dos descobrimentos antigos e modernos, 
feitos ate a Era de 1550, com os nomes particulares das pessoas 
que OS fizerao : e em que tempos, e as suas alturas, e dos desvaira- 
dos caminhos por vnde a pimenta e especiaria veyo da India as 
nossas partes ; obra certo muy notavel, e copiosa. Composto pelo 
famoso Antonio Galvao. Lisboa Occidental na Officina Ferrei- 
riana, mdccxxxi. (We quote this edition.) 

Geeuitz-Hessel. Detectio Freti. Fikst Edition. Exemplar 
Libelli supplicis, Potentissimo Hispaniarum Regi exhibiti a Capi- 
taneo Petro Fernandez de Quir : super Detectione quintse orbis 
terrarum partis, cui Australise Incognitse nomen est. Item, Relatio 
super Freto per M. Hudsonum Anglum qutesito, ac in parte 
detecto supra Provincias Terrse Novae, novseque Hispaniae Chinam 
et Cathaiam versus ducturo : una cum Freti ipsius, quatenus iam 
detectus est. Tabula Nautica. Nee non Isaaci Massse Harlemensis 
Samoiediee atque Tingoessae Regionum ad Orientem ultra Fretura 
Weygats in Tartaria sitarum, nuperque Imperio Moscovito adquisi- 
tarium descriptio. Et Tractus eiusdem Tabula Russia. Latine 
versa ab R. Vitellio. Amsterodami. Ex ofRcina Hesselij Gerardi, 
anno 1612. 

Contents : 

1. In tractatus sequentes Prolegomena ad Lectorem : signed 
Hesselius Gerardus Assumensis Philogeographus. Six pages. 
{These Prolegomena are reprinted in the present hook, pp. 236, 241 )i 


2. Relatio memorialis libelli supplicis Majestati suae oblati, 
per Capitaneum Petrum Fernandez de Quir, etc. . . Eleven pages. 

3. Samojedarum. . . .effigies (a woodcut). One page. 

4. Apographum Descriptionis Regionum Siberiee Samojediae et 
Tingoesia^. Eight pages. 

5. Itinerum atque Fluviorum, Ortum & Aquilonem versus in 
Moscoviam & Siberiam Samojediam etc. . . , .ducentium, Descrip- 
tio. Thirteen pages, one page white, one white leaf; then follows : 
Descriptio ac delineatio Geographica Detectionis Freti. Sive, 
Transitvs ad Occasum, supra terras Americanas, in Chinam atq : 
Japonem ducturi, Recens investigati ab M. Henrico Hudsono 
Anglo. Item, Narratio Ser™". Regi Hispanise facta, super tractu, 
in quinta Orbis terrarum parte, cui Avstralise Incognitse nomen 
est, recens detecto, per Capitaneum Petrum Ferdinandez de Quir. 
Vna cum descriptione Terrse Samoiedarvm et Tingoesiorvm, in 
Tartaria ad Ortum Freti Waygats sitae nuperq • Imperio Mosco- 
vitarum subactte. Amsterodami, Exdifficina Hesselij Gerardi. Anno 
1612. Three pages {reprinted in the present volume, pp. 185- 

Second Edition. The Second Edition, or what, perhaps, may 
be called so, has been produced in the following manner. The 
first title has been cut away, and the supplement, with its title, 
Descrijitio ac Deli?ieatio, etc., has been placed at the beginning. 
Nearly all the existing copies of the 1612 edition answer this 

In both shapes the 1612 edition ought to contain the following 
maps. a. The World in two hemispheres; b. Hudson's map; 
c. Massa's map of Nova Zembla, etc. (a fac-simile in Dr. Beke's 
De Veer). 

Thikd Edition. Descriptio ac delineatio Geographica Detec- 
tionis Freti. Sive, Transitus ad Occasum supra terras Americanas, 
in Chinam atq: Japonem ducturi, Recens investigati ab M. Henrico 
Hudsono Anglo. Item, Exegesis Regi Hispanise facta, super tractu 
recens detecto, in quinta Orbis parte, cui nomen, Avstralis In- 
cognita. Cum descriptione Terrarum Samoiedarum, et Tinga»sio- 
rum, in Tartaria ad Ortum Freti Waygats sitarum, nuperq: sceptro 
Moscovitarum adscitarum. Amsterodami, Ex officina Hesselij 
Gerardi. Anno 1613. 


Contents : 

1. Prolegomena. Three pages. 

2. Descriptio, etc. (Hudson's Voyage, see present volume, 189- 
194). Three pages. 

3. Exegesis Libelli supplicis oblati Regise Majestati Hispanise 
a Duce Petro Fernandez de Quir, etc. Ten pages. 

4. Descriptio Kegionum Siberiaj, Samojedise, Tingojesiae, etc. 
Seven pages, one page white. 

5. Brevis Descriptio itinerum ducentium, & fluviorum labentium. 
e Moscovia Orientem & Aquilonem versus. (^Signed by Isaac 
Massa, Haerlem.) Eleven pages, one page white. 

6. In prefatione, etc. [Description of Nai's Voyage.) Three 

8. De detectione terrse polaris sub latitude octoginta graduum 
(by Hessel Gerritz). Three pages. 

9. Balena woodcut. One page, one page white. For maps and 
plates see next edition. 

FoTJKTH Edition. The fourth edition is almost identical with the 
third, only it contains an appendix of four pages, consisting — 
a. Of a preface by Hessel Gerritz, beginning with the following 
words : Cum temere et inconsiderate antea scripserim. . . .One page. 
h. Of a treatise by Peter Plancius, intitled : Refutatio rationum 
quibus Angli Dominationem piscationis ad insulam Spitzbergen- 
sem. .pretendere. .conantur. Three pages. 

The third and fourth editions ought to contain the following 
illustrations, a. The World in two hemispheres, b. Hudson's 
Map. c. Massa's Map. d. An engraving representing two sea- 
horses, e. In the fourth edition there ought to be a map of Spitz- 
bergen and Nova Zembla. 

Beschryvinghe vander Samoyeden Landt in Tarta- 

rien Nieulijcks onder 't ghebiedt der Moscoviten gebracht. Wt 
de Russche tale overgheset, anno 1609. Met een verhael vande 
opsoekingh ende ontdeckinge vande nieuwe deurgang ofte straet 
int Noord-westen na de Rijcken van China ende Cathay ; ende 
een Memorial gepresenteert aenden Conningh van Spaengien, 
belanghende de ontdeckinghe ende gheleghenheyt van 't Land 
ghenaemt Australia Incognita, 't Amsterdam, by Hessel Ger- 
ritsz., Boeckvercooper opt Water inde Pascaert. Anno 1612. 

2t0 bibliographical list. 

Contents : 

1. Tot den Leser [Preface, translation of the preface to the Latin 
edition of \G\2 .) Six pages. 

2. Verhael van d' ontdeckinghe vande nieu-ghesoclite Strate 
in't Noord-westen, om te seylen boven langhs de Landen van 
America en Japan, ghedaen door Mr. Henry Hudson. Three 
pages, one white. 

3. Copie van de Beschryvinge der Landen Siberia, Samoesia, 
etc. Eight pages. 

4 Een Cort Verhael vande Wege ende Rivieren uyt Moscovien 
Oostwaerts, etc. Fourteen pages. 

5. Verhael Van seker Memoriael ghepresenteert aen zyne Ma- 
jesteyt by den Capiteyn Pedro Fernandez de Guir. Six pages, 
one page blank. 

GiLBEKT. A Discourse of a Discoverie for a new passage to 
Cataja, written by Sir Humfrey Gilbert, Knight. Imprinted at 
London by Henry Middleton, for Richarde Thones, anno Domini 
1576, Aprilis 12. (Map.) See also Hakluyt's Collections, iii, p. 16. 

Hakluyt. Divers voyages touching the discoverie of America, 
and the Islands adiacent unto the same, made first of all by our 
Englishmen, and afterward by the Frenchmen and Britons : and 
certaine notes of advertisements for observations, necessarie for 
such as shall heereafter make the like attempt. With two mappes 
annexed heereunto for the plainer understanding of the whole 
matter, by Richard Hakluyt. Imprinted at London for Thomas 
Woodcocke, 1582. 

Hakluyt (Richard, Prebendary of Bristol in the year 1582). 
Divers Voyages touching the Discovery of America, and the Islands 
adjacent; collected and published. Edited, with Notes and an 
Introduction, by John "Winter Jones, Esq., of the British Museum. 
8vo, London, 1850 (Hakluyt Society). 

Hamel. Tradescant der Aeltere, 1618, in Russland. Der 
Handelsverkehr zwischen England und Russland in seiner Entste- 
hung. Riickblick auf einige der alteren Reisen im Norden. 
Geschichtliche Beitrage mitgetheilt der Kaiserlichen Akademie 
der Wissenschaften zu St. Petersburg, von Dr. J. Hamel, Akade- 
miker, etc. Mit Tradescant's Portrait und einer Karte. 4o, 1847, 
St. Petersburg. Leipzig. 


Haskel and Smith. A complete Descriptive and Statistical 
Gazetteer of the United States of America, containing a particular 
description of the states, territories, countries, districts, parishes, 
cities, towns and villages, mountains, rivers, lakes, canals, and 
railroads; with an Abstract of the Census and Statistics for 1840. 
By Daniel Haskel, A.M., and T. Calvin Smith. New York, 8vo, 
pp. 752. 1844. 

Heckeweluer. a narrative of the Mission of the United 
Brethren among the Delaware and Mohegan Indians, from 1704 
to 1808; interspersed with anecdotes, historical facts, speeches of 
Indians, and other interesting matter, by John Heckewelder. 4to, 
Philadelphia, 1820. 

HoMEM. A Portolano of nine large Charts on vellum, drawn 
on a plane scale by D. H. MS., British Museum. 

No. 4. A Chart of the World, on a jjlane scale : 
*' Universalis Mundi figura atque Navigationum Orbis terrarum 
scitus." Diegus Homem cosmographus fecit hoc opus anno salutis 

No. 10. The Eastern Coast of North America, the West Indian Islands, 
with the westernmost coasts of Europe and Africa, southward to Cape Eosse. 

{^Quoted p. xcvii.) 

Jeannin. Les Negociations du President Jeannin, publiees 
dans les Collections des Memoires relatifs a I'Histoire de France, 
depuis I'avenement de Henri IV, jusqu'a la Paix de Paris conclue 
en 1763 ; avec des Notices sur chaque auteur et des observations 
sur chaque Ouvrage, par M. Petitot, Paris, 1822. 

Lettre au Eoi ecrite par JM. Jeannin, le dit jour vingt-cinqui^me Janvier 
1C09, sur la recherche du passage du Nord. 

Vol. XV, p. 141. See also Pantheon litteraire ; Choix de Chroniques 
et Memoires, sur I'Histoire de France, avec Notices litteraires par 
J. A. C. Buchon. Paris, 1838. Negociations du President Jeannin, 
p. 578. 

Jonas. Brevis Comentarius de Islandia : quo scriptorum de 
hac Insula errores deteguntur, et extraneorum quorundum convitijs 
ac calumnijs quibus Islandis liberius insultare solent, occurritur; 
per Arngrimum Jonam Islandum. 

A briefe Commentarie of Island : wherein the errors of such as have written 
concerning this Island are detected, and the slanders and reproaches of cer- 


taine strangers which they have used over-boldly against the people of Island 
are confuted, by Arngrimus Jonas of Island. Written at Holen Hialtedalein 
Island, the yeere of our Lord 1592, the 17 of the Kalends of May. 

See Hakluyt's Voj'ages, vol. i, p. 515. 

Jones, see Hakluyt. 

Lambkechtsen. Korte Beschrijving van de Ontdekking en 
der verdere Lotgevallen van Nieuw-Nederland, weleer eene volk- 
planting van het gemeenebest der vereenigde Nederlanden in 
America, door Mr. N. C. Lambrechtsen van Ritthem. Te Middel- 
burg, blj S. van Benthem, mdcccxvtii. With a Map of New 

Lelewel. Geographie du Moyen age, etudiee par Joachim 
Lelewel, accompagnee d' Atlas et de Cartes dans chaque volume. 
4 vols., 8vo, Bruxelles, 1852, Atlas, 4to obi. Bruxelles, 1850. 

LiNSCHOTEN (van Huyghen). Itinerario Voyagie ofte Schip- 
vaert, von Jan Huj'ghen van Linschoten, Folio. Amsterdam, 
1595, with following supplements : a. Beschrijvinghe van Guinea. 
b. Reys Geschrijft van de Navigatien der Portugaluysers. c. Een 
seker. d. Extract vande Renten des Coninghs var Spaengien. The 
same, second edition, folio, Amsterdam, 1604 and 1605. Third 
edition, folio, Amsterdam, 1614. Fourth edition, folio, Amsterdam, 
1624. Fifth edition, folio, Amsterdam, 1644. 

Voyagie ofte shipvaert, van Jan Huyghen van Lin- 
schoten, van by Noorden vm langes Xoorwegen de Noortcaep, 
Laplant, Vinlant, Ruslandt, de Witte Zee, de Custen van Can- 
denoes, Swetenoes, Pitzora, etc., door de strate ofte Engte van 
Nassau tot voorby de Revier Oby. Waer inne seer distinctelicken 
verhaels ghewijse beschreven ende aenghewesen wordt, alle t' 
ghene dat hem op de selve Reyse van dach tot dach bejeghent 
en voorghecomen is. Met de afbeeldtsels van alle de Custen, 
Hoecken, Landen, Opdoeningen, Streckinghen, Coursen, Mijlen, 
ende d'ander merckelicke dingen meer : Gelijc als hy 't alles selfs 
sichtelicken end waerachtelicken nae 't leven uytgewerpen ende 
gheannoteert heeft, etc. Anno 1594 end 1598. Ghedruct tot 
Franeker, by Gerard Ketel. Containing a large number of geo- 
graphical diagrams. Second edition. The same title. Amster- 
dam, 1624. 

Lopez de Gomara La Historia General de las Indias, con 


todos descubrimientos, y cosas notables que han acaescido en ellas, 
dende que se ganaron hasta agora, escrita por Francisco Lopez 
de Gomara, clerigo. Aiiadiose de nuevo la descripcion y tra^a 
de las Indias, con una Tabla alphabetica de las Provincias, Islas, 
Puertos, Ciudades, y nombres de conquistadores y varones prin- 
cipales que alia han passado. En Anvers. Anno m.d.liiii. 

J HIKE (LiiTKE). lexbipeKpaTHoe nvTcuiecTBie bi ctuepHbiii JcjoecTuii 
OKeanii, coBepuiennoe no noBcitniio DMnepaiopa AjeKcan^pa I, na BoennoMi. 
Opnrt "HoBaa 3eMja," Bb 1821, 1822, 1823 h 1824 rojaxi, •I'.iOTa Kaniiraui- 
JeiiienaiiTOMT. 0e4opoMT> JuiKe. CanuTncTopOypri 1828. (2 Vols. 4to. maps.) 

lAiTKE. Viermalige Reise durch das nordliche Eismeer. Ger- 
man translation by Erman (forming vol. ii of Berghaus's Kabinets- 
Bibliothek der neuesten Reisen). 8vo, Berlin, 1835. 

M'Clintock. The Voyage of the Fox in the Arctic Seas. A 
Narrative of the Discovery of the Fate of Sir John Franklin and his 
Companions, by Captain Sir F. Leopold M'Clintock, R.N., LL.D., 
Honorary Member Royal Dublin Society. With Maps and Illus- 
trations. London, 1859. 

Makco Polo. The travels of Marco Polo, a Venetian, in the 
thirteenth century ; being a description by that early traveller of 
remarkable places and things in the Eastern parts of the World. 
Translated from the Italian, with notes, by William Marsden. 
With Maps. London, 1818, 4to. 

Marsden, see Marco Polo. 

Martyk. De orbe novo Petri Martyris Anglerii Mediolanensis, 
Protonotarij, & Caroli quinti Senatoris, Decades octo, diligent! 
temporum observatione & utilissimis annotationibus illustratse, 
suoque nitori restituta^ ; Lahore et industria Richardi Hakluyti, 
Oxoniensis Angli. Additus est in usum lectoris accuratus totius 
operis index. Parisiis, m.d.lxxxvii. 

The Decades of the Newe Worlde or West India, 

conteynyng the navigations and conquestes of the Spanyardes, 
with the particular description of the moste ryche and large landes 
and ilandes lately found in the West-Ocean perteynyng to the 
inheritaunce of the kinges of Spayne. In the which the diligent 
reader may not only consyder what commoditie may hereby chaunce 
to the hole Christian Worlde in the tyme to come, but also learne 
many secreates touchynge the lande, the sea, and the starres, very 


necessarie to be knowe to al such as shal atternpte any naviga- 
tions, or otherwise have delite to beholde the strange and woonder- 
full woorkes of God and nature. Wrytten in the Latine tounge 
by Peter Martyr of Angleria, and translated into Englysche by 
Rycharde Eden. Londini. In sedibus Guilhelmi Powell, anno 

Meteren (Van). Emanuels van Meteren Historic der Neder- 
landscher ende haerder Naburen Oorlogen ende Geschiedenissen, 
Tot den Jare MVicxii. Nu de laestemael bij hem voor sijne 
doodt merckelyck verbetert end in xxxii Boecken voltrocken. Is 
mede hier by gevoegt des Autheurs leven. Verrijckt beneffens 
de Land-Caerte met by na hondert correcte Conterfeijtsels vande 
voortreflijeste Personagien in dese Historic verhaelt. Alle cierlijck 
na d' leven ghedaen ende in Coperen platen gesteken. Gedruckt 
int' Jaer ons Heeren mdcxiv. In s' Graven-Haghe by Hille- 
brandt Jacobssz, Ordinaris ende Ghesvooren Drucker van de Hog. 
ende Mo. Heeren Staten Generael, anno 1614. Met Privilegie. 
Folio, pp. 671. (Map.) 

MoLYNEXJX Globe. This Globe is mentioned by John Davis, 
in a work called " The World's hydrographical Description," 4to, 
London, 1594, from which an extract, containing the passage here 
alluded to is to be found in Hakluyt's Collection, vol. iii, p. 120. 
The following is the passage in question : " Hoio far I proceeded 
and in ivhatfournie this discovery lyeth, doth appear e upon the globe 
ivhich Master Sanderson to his verye great charge hath published, 
whose labouring endeavor for the good of his countrie deserveth great 
favor and commendation. Made by Master Henry MuUineux, a 
■man loell qualified, of a good judgment, and verye expert in many 
excellent practises, in my selfe being the onely means with Master 
Sanderson to imply Master MuUineux therein, whereby he is now 
growne to a most exquisite perfections 

A later edition of the same Globe is to be found in the Library 
of the Middle Temple. It is about two feet high, and bears the 
following inscription : Lectoris. In hoc globo scribendo, amice 
lector, ubique sequuti sumus castigatissimas chartas mar